Skip to main content

Full text of "Rice University and the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations"

See other formats

Rice University and the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations 




Rice University and the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations 

■ n^^ED 

Copyright © 1991 by Rice University 

Photographs © 1991 by; 

Tommy LaVergne: inside front and back cover, pages i, 3, 14, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33L, 36, 42, 50L, 51, 56L, 71, 76, 78 

Geoff Winningham: pages 15, 16, 33R, 35, 38, 54, 55, 56R, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 73, 74 

James Yao: pages 11, 18, 21, 41, 43, 46, 50R, 53, 69, 70 

John Hill: pages 6, 9 

Houston Chronicle: cover jacket, title page, page 80 

Greater Houston Partnership: page 12 

All rights reserved 

Designed by Jeff Cox 
Printed in the United States of America by Brandt and Lawson Printing, Inc., Houston, Texas 

Rice University and the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations 
By John B. Boles 



For three days in July 1 990, eight leaders of the major industrial- 
ized nations of the Western world met at Rice University. The 
event was the sixteenth Economic Summit, an annual meeting that 
in many ways has supplanted the United Nations as the forum for 
addressing a wide range of economic, diplomatic, environmental, and 
human rights issues. Four thousand journalists and supporting staff from 
around the world came to Houston to report on the deliberations, and 
Houstonians reveled in the excitement, proud to be the site of a history- 
making event and curious about how others would respond to their city. 
Perhaps never before had the people of the city so come together to help 
sponsor an event, eager to do everything perfectly. The city's hospitality 
was inexhaustible: its facade was cleaned, polished, and brightened with 
flowers, banners, and flags, while food and entertainment was lavished 
on the visitors. Numerous motorcades of presidents and prime ministers 
disrupted traffic for hours on end, often in the busiest sections of the city 
during the rush hours, but citizens accepted the considerable inconve- 
nience with a minimum of complaints. The city enjoyed, even celebrated 
the summit as it had no other event in its recent history. 

Houstonians in general hoped to make a good impression on 
both the official delegates and the media leaders, seeing the summit as a 
chance to trumpet the city's economic comeback from several years of 
deep recession. Perhaps there was a little regret about the arrogance of the 
late 1970s oil boom, and now, somewhat chastened, the city extended a 
welcome hand to the world. But no part of the city was more involved in 
the Economic Summit than the Rice University community — administra- 
tors, faculty, staff, alumni, students, and friends — for the actual plenary 
meetings of the summit occurred on the Rice campus. Never had the 
world's attention so focused on Houston and Rice, and the university, like 

the city, saw the occasion as an unrivaled opportunity to make its substan- 
tial merits better known. 

The colorful opening exercises, complete with a 2 1 -gun salute 
and military honor guards flown in from Washington, D. C, were held in 
the academic quadrangle of Rice, with elegant Lovett Hall as the back- 
drop. As the band played each nation's anthem, the television cameras 
focused on that nation's flag unfurled from masts on Lovett Hall with its 
ornate brickwork, colored marble and mosaics, and carved arches. After 
the arrival ceremonies, and after the first meeting of the heads of the 
delegations in the Founders' Room in Lovett Hall, the delegation leaders 
walked through the building's impressive Sallyport and into the quad- 
rangle for what is called the "class photo." Everyone ever associated with 
Rice felt a special pride in that moment. The campus had never looked 
better, and those beautiful images of the university conveyed the ethos, the 
dedication to academic excellence, that have always been the hallmark of 
Rice. Rice had announced its opening in 1912 with a grand, international 
convocation of scholars — a summit of the mind — and now once again the 
world had come to Rice. The summit's being at Rice therefore seemed 
historically appropriate, and the meeting in Houston was a fortuitous 
acknowledgement of the city's recent economic rebound. But how had 
the sixteenth Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations come to be 
held in Houston and at Rice, appropriate though those locations might 
have been? 

When the first economic summit was planned for the Chateau de 
Rambouillet near Paris in 1975, it was assumed to be a one- 
time event. But that first meeting proved to be so useful that 
world leaders decided to gather again, and President Gerald 
Ford offered to host the next year's meeting, which eventually was held in 
San Juan, Puerto Rico. Following that second meeting the economic 
summit quickly became institutionalized, Canada was added to the origi- 
nal list of six participating nations (France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States), the group came to be called the 
G-7 nations, and a regular cycle for the hosting of the meetings evolved 
that followed the sequence of the first seven sites: Rambouillet, San Juan, 
London, Bonn, Tokyo, Venice, Ottawa, then back to France at Versailles, 
Colonial Williamsburg, Virginia (in 1983), London, Bonn, Tokyo, Venice, 
Toronto, and back again to Paris in 1989, beginning the third cycle. (A 
delegate from the European Economic Community, formerly called the 
Common Market, was invited in 1977 to participate in subsequent sum- 
mits, but the European Economic Community : — representing twelve 
European nations — does not serve as a host.) 

American reporters in Paris at the conclusion of the fifteenth 
summit were understandably curious about where the United States would 
host the following year's summit, though rumors from the White House 
had mentioned Texas and San Antonio. When President George Bush 
held his press conference at the close of the Paris meeting, on Sunday, 
July 16, reporters asked if the rumors were true about Texas being the site 
of the 1990 summit. "That's a distinct possibility," the president an- 
swered. "However, it's too early. No decision has been made." President 
Bush, obviously in a good mood, went on to quip that "the fact that Jim 
Baker is from Houston and I'm from Houston and Bob Mosbacher's from 
Texas should have nothing to do with where the next summit's going to 
be." Replying to insistent reporters, Bush continued to banter about the 
selection process, mentioned the upcoming Texas elections, and cautioned 

that the fact that Houston was his Texas home would not be used against 
Dallas's chances to host the summit. This entire interchange was reported 
on the front pages of Houston's newspapers on Monday, July 17. By the 
middle of the week the papers were carrying stories about "summit fever," 
and estimates were being made about the economic benefits that would 
accrue as a result of a summit. Wild guesses were being offered about 
feasible meeting sites, eating places, entertainment possibilities, and the 
odds the summit would go to Dallas, San Antonio, or Houston — or some 
place in Colorado or California, other rumored sites in what was already 
being portrayed as the summit sweepstakes. But the talk and planning 
were not confined to media hype. Hosting an international economic 
summit would be an enormous coup for any city, the kind of opportunity 
for which any city would compete. Houston leaders, always aggressive 
promoters of their city, determined to bid for it both for the intrinsic 
prestige and for the occasion to showcase Houston as once again a dy- 
namic, growing, futuristic city. 

No one in the Houston business or political establishment had 
promoted the city as a potential summit site before the newspapers on 
July 17 reported President Bush's remarks. In the week following those 
remarks, however, everyone began to talk about the best way to proceed. 
By Monday morning Mayor Kathy Whitmire, Greater Houston Partner- 
ship President Lee Hogan, and Greater Houston Convention and Visitors 
Bureau Acting President Henry H. King were discussing possible strate- 
gies. On July 19 the Texas House of Representatives passed a resolution 
urging that the next summit come to Texas, Mayor Whitmire announced 
on July 22 that she was considering putting together a task force to work 
on the project, and the Houston Protocol Alliance was touting the city's 
experience with international dignitaries. In the midst of the excited talk 
and premature guesses about meeting sites and parties for dignitaries, 
however, several hard questions had to be answered. Obviously there was 
the problem of counting chickens before they hatched, but how much of 

an effort should be made to attract the summit, and what kind of efforts 
would be most effective? 

Lee Hogan, President and CEO of the Greater Houston Part- 
nership, parent organization to the Greater Houston Chamber of Com- 
merce and the Houston Economic Development Council, called an infor- 
mal meeting in his office on Sunday, July 23, of approximately a dozen 
Houston leaders who had personal or political access to President Bush 
and his major advisers. At that Sunday meeting lasting several hours, a 
number of the advantages of the summit's coming to Houston were 
discussed, but the major concern was whether George Bush was serious 
about holding the next summit in Texas. Were those remarks premedi- 
tated, almost an invitation for proposals, or were .they offered flippantly? 
When the July 23 meeting adjourned, each person left with an assignment 
to call people he or she knew in Washington to try to ascertain the nature 
of the president's remarks; the meeting participants agreed to gather the 
following Sunday in Hogan's offices in the 1 100 Milam Building to share 
their information and see if a consensus had been reached. No one actu- 
ally talked to the president, but practically every other top adviser — 
certainly those with Texas connections — was contacted, and at the follow- 
up meeting on July 30 the consensus was overwhelming: George Bush 
was very serious about Texas and would welcome presentations on 
various sites. 

Of course, no one thought at first that President Bush was 
considering only a Texas site. Those gathered in Lee Hogan's office 
knew that in less than two months Secretary of State James Baker would 
be meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnaze for three 
days at Jackson Hole, Wyoming, to plan for President Bush's early 
December Malta Summit with President Mikhail Gorbachev. Perhaps the 
real competition was not Dallas or San Antonio but some scenic Western 
hideaway. Or perhaps a location— Bretton Woods, site of the 1944 
conference that established the International Monetary Fund— in Gover- 

nor John Sununu's home state of New Hampshire 1 . This worry lessened as 
further discussion led to the realization that no such secluded area had the 
support infrastructure to facilitate a full-scale summit. Thousands of hotel 
rooms were needed for delegates and journalists; there had to be a large 
public airport nearby and a military base for the foreign dignitaries to use; 
large nurnbers of police had to be available, as well as superior communi- 
cation and medical facilities. Logic led to the conclusion that the site had 
to be in or near a major urban area. That decided, the Houston planners 
were convinced they could and would beat the offer of any other Texas 
city. The next goal was to devise a plan to persuade the White House 
advisers and ultimately George Bush that the 1990 Economic Summit 
should come to Houston. 

A two-pronged approach emerged from the offices of the 
Greater Houston Partnership. The preceding week of telephone calls had 
revealed that seven people in Washington would be central to the decision 
process: President Bush, Secretary of State Baker, Secretary of the 
Treasury Nicholas Brady, Secretary of Commerce Robert Mosbacher, 
National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft, Governor John Sununu, and 
Sig Rogich, Assistant to the President for Special Activities. Accord- 
ingly, seven special contact teams were put together, each with from three 
to six members, all of whom knew personally the key decision person they 
were assigned to contact weekly. By telephone, by letter, and by other 
means they were to communicate how badly the city wanted the summit, 
to assure those in Washington that Houston would do a great job of 
hosting the event, and to make clear what the city was willing to put up in 
terms of support to attract the summit. This intense, high-level, very 
personal lobbying played an essential role in tipping the decision toward 

The second prong of the Houston Partnership effort was to 
organize a number of agencies and companies in the city — Metro, the 
Greater Houston Visitors and Convention Bureau, Houston Lighting and 

Power, Southwestern Bell, the city aviation department, Continental 
Airlines, and others — into a series of task forces to bring back to the 
Partnership detailed proposals as to how each group would dispatch its 
appropriate responsibilities in order to facilitate a successful summit. The 
task force information was put into the form of a printed proposal outlin- 
ing the city's hotel facilities, air service, transportation capabilities, secu- 
rity arrangements, entertainment possibilities, media/communications 
support, and consular services and describing the city's previous experi- 
ence with delegations of foreign dignitaries. But the heart of the proposal 
was a listing, in no ranked order, of six possible sites for the actual work- 
ing sessions of the summit: the George R. Brown Convention Center, 
Rice University, the Wortham Center, the Summit arena, the University of 
Houston, and the Woodlands. This 24-page report, in the form of an 
unsolicited proposal, along with a cover letter from Mayor Kathryn J. 
Whitmire, County Judge Jon Lindsay, Henry H. King, Chairman of the 
Greater Houston Convention and Visitors Bureau, and Ben F. Love, 
Chairman of the Greater Houston Partnership, was sent to President Bush 
on August 16, 1989. 

Several weeks later Lee Hogan of the Greater Houston 
Partnership telephoned Sig Rogich, who was in charge of coordinating the 
decision process in the White House. Hogan went over the details of the 
proposal; Rogich was interested but suggested, off the record, that the 
Partnership should identify its best site and focus on it, not half a dozen 
sites with no criteria by which Washington could judge. With this advice, 
Hogan — a native Houstonian well acquainted with the physical attractive- 
ness of the Rice campus — quickly decided that Rice was the ideal loca- 
tion. He asked for and received permission from Charles Duncan and 
George Rupp, chairman of the board of trustees and president, respec- 
tively, of Rice University, to advance Rice as the proposed site of the 
summit in Houston. 

Why Rice? For everyone involved in the decision, both in 
Houston and Washington, the number one asset of Rice was aesthetic. 
The beautiful wooded campus, with its ornate Mediterranean style archi- 
tecture, offered a stately, serious ambience that suggested the splendor of 
previous European summit settings. No place in Texas but Rice had that 
kind of physical presence. Less important were the fact that George Bush 
had once been an adjunct faculty member in Rice's Jesse H. Jones Gradu- 
ate School of Administration and that Secretary of State Baker's grandfa- 
ther, Captain James Baker, had been the chairman of Rice's board of 
trustees for fifty years, from 1 89 1 to 1 94 1 . Rice was also conveniently 
located near good hotels and was accessible from the Brown Convention 
Center and the Astrodome, which were offered as the headquarters for the 
media and a hospitality center, and the Texas Medical Center. Because it 
was virtually a 300-acre island of serenity in the midst of the city, the Rice 
campus could be made secure with relative ease. For those reasons Rice 
was put forward, and a detailed color photo album was sent to the White 
House on September 10. Three days later Lee Hogan went to Washing- 
ton, met with Charles Hagel (deputy director of the summit, and at the 
time in charge of summit planning), laid out the rationale for Rice, and got 
from him a very positive endorsement of the proposed location. 

In early October Mayor Whitmire was notified that the city 
had made the final cut: a formal request for a proposal came from the 
White House to Houston and San Antonio. Remote sites simply did not 
have sufficient infrastructure, and locations farther west, by being one or 
two additional time zones removed from Europe, were not attractive to the 
European media. The White House request covered a broad range of 
topics from hotel rates to air connections, and both cities moved quickly to 
respond as effectively and persuasively as they could. An even more 
detailed report was prepared, with extensive discussion of such topics as 
hotel rates, taxi service, welcome packages, security personnel, and 
catering services, along with floor plans of the Brown Convention Center 

and the Astrodomain, and very detailed floor plans of various buildings on 
the Rice campus. The total report, the size of a hefty book and leather 
bound, was sent to the White House on November 7 under the name of 
Mayor Whitmire. 

As the White House personnel studied the Houston proposal 
and that of San Antonio, there followed a series of requests for more 
specific information and for clarifications. In the several weeks following 
November 7, Lee Hogan made four trips to Washington, clarifying 
proposals, adding new details, and arguing on behalf of Houston. Repre- 
sentatives from the White House (Charles Hagel and Fred Sainz, a staff 
assistant) visited Houston on November 16 and 17 and inspected various 
locations including Rice. Following that site visit they went on to San 
Antonio. Both Houston and San Antonio officials were given opportuni- 
ties to refine their offers. Rice officials were quite pointed in their offer of 
the campus on an "as is" basis, although this insistence later caused some 
tense moments of negotiation. And all the while the seven teams of 
personal lobbyists organized by the Houston Partnership were continuing 
their contacts with key decision makers in Washington. A copy of 
Houston's elaborate proposal was sent to each. Nothing was left to 

Word came from the White House that President Bush 
would make the final decision over the Thanksgiving holidays at Camp 
David. He had been given briefing books on both Houston and San 
Antonio by his staff, complete with the most up-to-date data from each 
city. During this crucial week Lee Hogan was called long distance from 
Mexico City by Secretary of Commerce Mosbacher, who would be 
talking via telephone to the president in two hours. Mosbacher was 
checking on one final detail of the Houston proposal, and he tracked 
Hogan to a hospital, where Hogan's mother was undergoing an operation. 
That Mosbacher made the call in those circumstances hinted to Hogan that 
the decision would be favorable. On the day after Thanksgiving, Novem- 

ber 24, President Bush met with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher 
at Camp David to discuss his upcoming Malta meeting with President 
Gorbachev. Sometime the next day, Saturday, November 25, President 
Bush decided that Houston would be the site of the next summit meeting. 
Late that evening, a source in the White House called Lee Hogan and 
leaked the news. On the following Friday, December 1, 1989, as Presi- 
dent Bush was en route to Malta to meet with Gorbachev, the official 
announcement came. The 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized 
Nations would be held in Houston. The announcement was not more 
specific, but everyone in Houston simply assumed the plenary sessions 
would be at Rice University. Frederic V. Malek would be appointed to 
the rank of ambassador and would be director in charge of all summit 

But Ambassador Malek had not yet visited Rice, and when he 
did, on December 14, the visit did not go as smoothly as Houston and Rice 
officials had hoped. At that time even summit planners were not certain 
of their needs as to either size, shape, or number of rooms; Rice had 
received no detailed outline of the needs. Malek had not been involved in 
the decision process that had culminated in the choice of Houston, and he 
let it be known during his initial visit that no final decision had yet been 
made regarding Rice as the site of the actual meetings. This announce- 
ment surprised Rice officials and the Houston media. Malek wanted to 
make certain — because he was now in charge of the summit and any 
problems that might eventuate would be his responsibility — that the Rice 
choice was the correct one, and he wanted to signal that the final decision 
on the specific location in Houston was his call. And he did have several 
legitimate concerns: the holding rooms for the eight delegations were 
nowhere near equal in size, for example, and access to the Founders' 
Room in Lovett Hall was limited. At the conclusion of Malek 's visit, the 
choice of the summit site seemed to be in limbo. Summit officials even 
inspected several skyscrapers with many empty floors, considering 

whether summit facilities could be built from scratch inside the shell of an 
existing building. Rice officials determined to be patient, answered 
Malek's concerns, and let him convince himself that Rice was the appro- 
priate place. 

Rice officials wanted to find out more about Colonial 
Williamsburg's experience in hosting the 1983 summit. On December 19 
and 20, Carl MacDowell (overall coordinator of Rice's summit team) and 
Jane Lowery (newly appointed to help coordinate the community relations 
aspects of summit preparations) visited Williamsburg and were briefed in 
detail about the myriad of concerns: facilities, food, protocol, security, 
communications, the problem of negotiating a budget contract with the 
government. Also, in response to a request, Fred Sainz, a White House 
staff person, on December 22 sent Lee Hogan of the Houston Partnership 
a brief letter outlining the meeting and support room requirements for the 
summit. These stated requirements later proved inadequate, but at least 
they gave Houston and Rice officials a better idea of what was involved. 
The letter called fpr a main conference room for the major plenary meet- 
ing of approximately 2,500 square feet, two smaller conference rooms for 
the finance and foreign ministers, holding rooms (waiting rooms or 
temporary offices) for the eight heads of delegations in close proximity to 
the main conference room, minimum office space for the assistants to the 
delegates, dining facilities, a press briefing room near the plenary confer- 
ence room, a press filing center, and a hospitality area for the media. Now 
Rice knew better how to respond to Mr. Malek's concerns and on January 
9 sent him a detailed proposal for holding the working sessions of the 
summit on the campus. 

Ambassador Malek returned to Rice on January 18, 1990, for 
a second site inspection. This time Rice was able to show Malek a wider 
range of rooms, including the reading room in the Maconda & Ralph 
O'Connor Business Information Center in Herring Hall for the main 
plenary meetings, with other meeting sites in Fondren Library, office 

space there and in Herring Hall, and holding rooms in Herring Hall and 
Lovett Hall. Rice pushed hard to have at least the opening meeting in the 
Founders' Room. The Rice presentation was impressive: every question 
Malek raised was answered satisfactorily, and Malek was absolutely 
convinced that Rice offered splendid summit accommodations. His 
decision was announced on January 25 in a press release from the Wash- 
ington summit office. "With the Summit working sessions at Rice," the 
release stated, "the leaders will be able to meet in a relaxed and distin- 
guished environment surrounded by the beautiful campus setting." Am- 
bassador Malek said that the Rice setting "allows these leaders to do what 
they need to do — have a series of frank discussions in a dignified but 
relaxed atmosphere. Rice represents everything good about Houston," he 
continued. "It is known worldwide academically and is set in photogenic 
grounds of impressive buildings and beautiful oak trees." And he gra- 
ciously complimented the cooperation of President George Rupp of Rice 
and his staff for accommodating the requirements "of an event of this 

It was clear from the beginning that hosting an international summit 
"of this magnitude" would involve the entire city, not just Rice 
officials. Even before President Bush picked Houston, Lee Hogan 
had asked George W. Strake, Jr., a third generation Houstonian and 
former chairman of the Republican party of Texas, to chair what would be 
called the Houston Summit Committee. Strake had been in the initial 
summit strategy session in Lee Hogan's office back on July 23. As 
planning was underway, however, President Bush wanted to add someone 
who could strengthen the committee's fund-raising. Subsequently 
Kenneth L. Lay, the president of Enron Corporation and head of Bush's 
1 988 Texas fund-raising efforts, was named cochair of the committee. 
Lay was also named to the summit steering committee (consisting of 
Mayor Whitmire, Judge Lindsay, Hogan, and Strake), made cochair of it, 
and he helped refashion the Houston Summit Committee into the Houston 
Host Committee. 

The Host Committee was expanded to include approximately 
290 leaders representing virtually every component of Houston society: 
business, education, sports, media, minorities. These persons were orga- 
nized into four subcommittees with responsibility for special events 
(chaired by John H. Duncan and Elizabeth Christ), cleaning up the city 
(Don Fitch and Limas Jefferson), publicity (John Bookout and Ben F. 
Love), and welcoming delegates and media personnel (W. J. Bowen and 
Vidal Martinez); symbolically, this last group was labeled the "friendly" 
subcommittee. Under the direction of Lay and Strake, these committees 
immediately set to work, with all of them charged to help with fund- 
raising. Everyone knew that to host the summit would cost money, 
though no one knew how much. Eventually over $4 million in money and 
$8 million in in-kind contributions were raised. Elaborate plans were 
made for conducting a war on trash, and this cleanup campaign recruited 
an estimated twelve thousand Houstonians who picked up more than four 
million pounds of rubbish and cleaned up 2,5 19 city blocks. 

Neighborhood organizations near Rice got into the spirit of 
the Host Committee effort by sponsoring a campaign to plant 33,000 
scarletta (red) begonias in esplanades, near the various entrances to Rice, 
and in pots provided at cost to homes in the vicinity. Metro cooperated by . 
offering free bus service during the summit, even utilizing special new 
buses partially manufactured in Hungary, which some wit termed glasnost 
buses. Recognizing in advance that many visitors to Houston in July 
would comment that the weather was hot, the Host Committee decided to 
turn that negative cliche into a positive plug by coining the motto 
"Houston's Hot," then, with a play on words, proceeding to say that yes, 
Houston's economy was hot and booming again. Old-fashioned hand fans 
emblazoned with "Houston's Hot" proved to be popular giveaways at the 
Media Fest held on Saturday before the opening of the summit. 

The Houston Host Committee began making elaborate plans 
not only to provide a proper work environment for the attending media 
personnel but also to feed and entertain them royally. In addition, the 
Host Committee completed arrangements for a down-home Texas barbe- 
cue and rodeo on the Sunday evening before the summit itself actually 
opened and for a festive "Thank You, Houston" party following the 
summit for all the volunteers who would have helped make it a success. 
Both these special events — the rodeo and the thank-you celebration — 
represented the wishes of President Bush. Consequently the Host Com- 
mittee efforts were closely coordinated by the expanding staff of summit 
officials, with Deputy Director Charles (Chuck) Hagel in charge of day- 
to-day operations. In late March native Houstonian Homer Luther, with 
almost two decades' experience in arranging major presidential-level 
special events, was called upon to direct all public (that is, involving 
President Bush or other heads of delegations) events related to the summit. 
Shortly thereafter the summit organizers chose as their headquarters the 
Kirby Mansion, on the western edge of downtown just outside the Pierce 
elevated. The stately brick home was originally built in 1 892 as a Victo- 


rian design house for lumber magnate John Henry Kirby. Kirby had the 
house substantially enlarged and remodeled in a Flemish-Gothic style in 
time for a visit in 1 928 by Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was attending 
the Democratic National Convention held in Houston that year to deliver 
the nominating speech for Al Smith. The mansion has had a checkered 
history, and, as a result of the oil recession in Houston during the mid- 
1980s and the even more recent savings and loan difficulties, the house is 
currently in receivership. It nevertheless made a handsome and conve- 
nient home for the 1990 summit officials. 

Very early in summit preparations the planners decided that 
press operations would be centered at the Brown Convention Center. 
Early estimates that 5,000 members of the press would attend the summit 
were only slightly optimistic; but of the 4,000 who did come, perhaps 
2,500 were support personnel: cameramen, photographers, television 
technicians, and so on. Still, the 1,500 actual writing or reporting journal- 
ists would not be allowed to come to Rice en masse. Instead, the press 
delegates would choose a revolving group of approximately thirty journal- 
ists representing a variety of media who were to be bused to the Rice 
Memorial Center and from there conducted by security personnel to 
carefully selected and monitored press and photo "opportunities." These 
pool reporters would then brief their colleagues at the Brown Convention 
Center. Likewise, CBS was selected to provide the pool television cover- 
age. This procedure meant that the great majority of journalists would 
conduct all their reporting from the Brown Convention Center. 

The Host Committee reasoned that if the working press were 
well treated, then the city might expect more favorable coverage. Previ- 
ous summits had provided the press with adequate food and some ameni- 
ties, but nothing lavish. For example, at the Williamsburg summit the 
press had been fed in a large tent erected over the tennis courts of the 
College of William and Mary. Consequently the press proved to be 
astonished by the hospitality arranged by the Houston Host Committee. 

Dozens of Houston restaurants provided free food that filled a half dozen 
buffet lines arranged with everything from Japanese cuisine to traditional 
American dishes to southwestern favorites. Three hundred catering 
employees made sure no journalist went hungry or thirsty anytime. Hun- 
dreds of linen-covered tables stretched beyond the food lines, and nattily 
appointed waiters and waitresses quickly offered tea, coffee, and wine to 
appreciative media workers. In addition, there was always free coffee, ice 
cream, cigarettes, toothpaste, and toothbrushes, along with a wide range of 
other toiletry items. Another special touch was provided by the interna- 
tional construction company Brown & Root, which organized a press 
"cafeteria" offering free each day that day's edition of newspapers from 
around the world. A journalist could file a story one evening to the Los 
Angeles Times or the Times of London and the very next morning read the 
story while eating a free breakfast. When observers saw how hard the 
press worked at covering the summit, they understood why the journalists 
were so appreciative of what the Host Committee provided at the Brown 

Even before the summit began on Monday morning, the press 
was well disposed toward the Host Committee. Most of the members of 
the press began arriving Friday and Saturday, July 6 and 7, and the Host 
Committee sponsored an elaborate Media Fest for Saturday evening. Fifty 
Metro buses began picking up members of the press in front of the Brown 
Center, with country music, cowboys, and a live longhorn steer providing 
a stereotypical backdrop. But the champagne served on the buses sug- 
gested that this was not an evening to be confused with Sunday night's 
rodeo. Saturday's occasion was a progressive dinner party at Houston's 
four major museums. One could begin with Cajun food and music at the 
Menil Collection, then travel via shuttle buses to rock music and Mexican 
food at the Museum of Natural Science, then more music and food at the 
Museum of Fine Art, and conclude with desserts and music at the Con- 
temporary Art Museum — or go in any other order. The press was over- 

whelmed. Several may have remarked snidely that Houston was trying 
too hard to please, but more representative was Ulrich Schiller of Die Zeit 
(of Hamburg, Germany). "This is exceptional," he was quoted as saying 
in the Houston Chronicle. "To eat this food and hear this music and then 
be able to enjoy a world-class museum is just outstanding." That, of 
course, was exactly the response the Host Committee had hoped and 
worked for in planning the extravaganza. 

The Host Committee, working closely with the summit 
officials and the protocol office of the State Department, also helped with 
arranging hotel accommodations for the various national delegates. 
Representatives of each of the nations involved in the summit also came to 
inspect the facilities at Rice, at the Brown Convention Center, and at the 
hotels selected for their leaders and their support personnel. These visits 
often proved to be tricky business for both Houston and summit officials 
because each nation was very protective of its rank and prestige. Accom- 

modations had to be approximately equal in size, quality, convenience, 
and ambience. Inevitably some feathers were ruffled when one delegation 
wanted the hotel suggested for another nation. The Japanese, for example, 
preferred the Inn on the Park and so did the Canadians, but because a 
Canadian firm owned the hotel, Canada got it. The Japanese were eventu- 
ally made happy at the J. W. Marriott in the Galleria area, however. The 
British delegation was housed at the Ritz-Carlton, the Italians at the 
Wyndham Warwick, the Germans at the Doubletree on Post Oak, the 
French at the Westin Oaks, the representatives of the European Economic 
Community at the Stouffer Presidente, and the Americans at President 
Bush's Texas "home," The Houstonian. Each hotel underwent some 
refurbishment, learned the intricate niceties of international protocol, 
added appropriate national items to their menus, underwent extensive 
security checks, and prepared to house not only the heads of the various 
delegations and their top advisers but also the govemment-away-from- 


home of the several industrialized nations. 

President Bush made it clear early in the summit preparations 
that he wanted his international visitors to get a taste of Texas during their 
visit to Houston. Local planners had hoped to showcase Houston's fine 
arts to a world audience, but these hopes were soon dashed for a combina- 
tion of reasons. No regular performances of the symphony, ballet, or 
opera were scheduled to occur during the summit meetings, and the 
expense of mounting special performances was enormous. Moreover, 
there would be no time in the Monday midday until Wednesday midday 
formal summit schedule for such performances, and the World Cup of 
soccer would keep several of the international delegates from arriving 
before Monday morning. 

Then too, summit organizers, responding to President Bush's 
clear signals, reasoned that government leaders from such cities as Lon- 
don, Paris, Rome, and Bonn had numerous opportunities to attend high-art 

performances. (At the last moment a special, shortened performance of 
Houston Grand Opera's "Carousel" was staged Saturday afternoon in the 
Wortham Center for the Bushes and an invitation-only audience of local 
music students, members of the consulate corps, representatives of the 
city's performing arts groups, and selected business, civic, and educational 
leaders.) What the international visitors did not normally see at home 
were rodeos and country music concerts, and, given the worldwide identi- 
fication of Texas with the Old West, many of them apparently wanted to 
see what to some Houstonians was an embarrassing and obsolete stereo- 
type of Texas culture. But this was to be the president's party, so rodeo it 
was. Moreover, because the president had long admired the Grand Ole 
Opry, at his invitation a contingent of Opry stars — Loretta Lynn, Minnie 
Pearl, Bill Monroe — agreed for only the second time in the Opry's history 
to take their show on the road. There would be a sprinkling of Texas 
singers too, but the Texas hoedown following the rodeo would have a 



decidedly Tennessee flavor. 

Native Texans could take at least some culinary comfort in the 
food that would be provided to the rodeo guests, several thousand media 
people, a group of local volunteers and summit organizers, and, as it 
turned out. President and Mrs. Bush, Prime Minister and Mr. Thatcher, 
Prime Minister and Mrs. Mulroney, and Prime Minister and Mrs. Kaifu. 
One can hardly imagine the jostling among local barbecue chefs that must 
have preceded the event, but when the 4,812 visitors arrived at the 
Astroarena on Sunday evening, July 8, they found a genuine Texas 
banquet provided by Luther's Barbecue. The caterers served 7,200 
pounds of brisket, ribs, chicken, and sausage; 3,000 pounds of potato 
salad, coleslaw, and baked beans; 165 gallons of barbecue sauce; 500 
pounds of sliced onions; 650 gallons of iced tea and lemonade; 5,000 
slices of carrot cake and cherry cobbler; and, in deference to the 
uninitiated taste buds of the visitors, only 84 gallons of jalapeno peppers. 
The whole occasion — barbecue and wild bull riding, armadillo racing and 
bucking broncos, clog dancing and rope tricks, country humor and the 
distinctive twang of Bill Monroe's singing — entertained most of the 
attendees, though Mrs. Thatcher and her British colleagues seemed at best 
uncertain about the evening. Perhaps the highlight was when a young 
woman waving an American flag rose out of a giant cowboy boot — Texas 
kitsch to be sure, but sanctioned by the White House. The world press, 
fascinated by the goings-on, devoted inordinate attention in both words 
and photos to this presidential paean to the mythic Texas past. 



The backward glance at the Old West was a sentimental interlude in 
the summit agenda, a meeting being held in a modern city known 
both for the Johnson Space Center and the Texas Medical Center, 
where the newest miracles in medical science were commonplace. 
International television reports from the Brown Convention Center featured 
the city's stunning skyline in the background, enlivened by eight colorful 
plastic "light sticks" (designed by architect Jay Baker, a Rice graduate) in 
the foreground that were artistic representations of the flags of the partici- 
pating delegations. Rodeos and museum media fests, however novel and 
entertaining, were preliminary to the real business at hand, a series of 
high-level plenary meetings to be held on the stately campus of Rice 
University with its Old World look. 

But between the official choice on January 25 of Rice as the 
site of the plenaries and the arrival on campus of the dignitaries, beginning 
shortly after noon on July 9, absolutely incredible preparations had to be 
made. No one in those heady days of late January foresaw the dimensions 
of the task, and even in retrospect what was demanded and achieved 
seems as heroic as it sometimes seems ridiculous to Americans with 
democratic ideals. And yet there were often sound reasons for what on the 
surface appeared to be rank extravagance. Rice became almost a movie 
set and a sound stage for events broadcast to the world for three days in 
July 1990. 

Behind all the preparations at Rice lay the university's initial 
offer of its facilities on an "as is" basis, and the government, being fully 
aware of these terms since at least November 17 and in receipt of a formal 
Rice proposal dated January 9, 1990, accepted the offer on February 9. 
But most of the details of the arrangement still had to be negotiated and 
agreed upon, with Carl MacDowell representing Rice's interests. The 
Rice position was very clear: the government could have total access to 
specified Rice facilities from Saturday evening at 6:00 P. M., July 7, 
through Thursday morning, 6:00 A. M., July 12. These specified facilities 

came to be identified as Lovett Hall and the buildings surrounding the 
academic quadrangle, the Faculty Club (Cohen House), Herring Hall, the 
Rice Memorial Center, the six residential colleges south of the academic 
quadrangle, and much of the stadium parking lot. Under agreed-upon 
security procedures faculty, staff, and graduate students would have 
necessary access to laboratories north of the academic quadrangle. This 
was insisted upon by Rice officials to lessen the inconvenience to the 
scientific research activities of the university. Except for Monday, Tues- 
day, and Wednesday, July 9-11, normal summer classes would be held and 
the library would function as usual. The central activities of the univer- 
sity, teaching and research, would be disrupted as little as possible. 

More difficult to negotiate with the government was the 
budget. Rice made clear that its "as is" offer stood; whatever the govern- 
ment wanted to add or change regarding the campus buildings was 
permitted as long as the government paid for the changes and removed 
them at the conclusion of the summit. Rice agreed to pay for permanent 
long-term improvements and to speed up already planned refurbishments 
such as repairing and painting the ceilings of the cloisters of Lovett Hall 
and certain landscaping that was part of a long-range scheme to enhance 
the campus. Yet there was still room for disagreement, and MacDowell 
and the Rice administration bargained hard to minimize the out-of-pocket 
expenses to the university. 

At times the negotiations became quite tense, leading to 
pressure on Rice from powerful voices on the Houston Host Committee. 
The Host Committee offered Rice no funds at all and made it clear that 
Rice should do no summit-related fund-raising because to do so might 
harm the Host Committee's efforts; from certain quarters both in Houston 
and Washington there was the feeling that Rice should be lavish in its 
support of summit expenses. The Rice position was that the Rice endow- 
ment was for educational expenses, not to help the federal government 
stage grand events even though Rice stood to gain substantial publicity as 

a result. Where did appropriate hospitality on the part of Rice end and 
inappropriate parsimony begin? What was a legitimate permanent en- 
hancement and what was merely summit-related fluff? When White 
House officials wanted to remodel the bathroom near President Rupp's 
office because President Bush would spend perhaps fifteen minutes in that 
office, should Rice assume the cost because the new wallpaper would 
remain? Ultimately the government paid for the wallpaper. Rice installed 
a new mirror, and Rice convinced the government that an entirely new 
commode was an extravagance; a new toilet seat would suffice. In such 
practical applications the issue of who would pay for what became enor- 
mously complicated. Was Rice being too tightfisted and stubborn? Were 
summit officials expecting too much largess? After several months of 
tough negotiating, pressure from downtown, the involvement of additional 
Rice administrators, and a renewed commitment to cooperation from 
everyone centrally involved, a final contract between Rice and the State 
Department was signed on April 30. 

Long before the contract was signed, work was underway on 
the Rice campus. One obvious need was adequate and backup electrical 
power. Houston Lighting and Power engineer George I. McDaniel had 
been involved in the city's planning from the beginning, and he and 
HL&P engineers quickly ensured that sufficient power was available at 
each summit site. The Brown Center and the Astroarena were already 
prepared; portable, quiet-running generators were used to back up existing 
service at Bayou Bend and the Museum of Fine Arts, where two official 
summit dinners would be held, and the service to Rice was upgraded. 
Rice since the 1950s had had two separate 12,470 volt lines serving it 
from the Garrett Street substation, located at the Y where the Southwest 
Freeway exits to Louisiana Street downtown. The two separate lines 
guaranteed continuous service in case an accident disrupted one line. An 
additional third power source came from the west and served the stadium 
facilities and backed up power to the Rice Memorial Center (where the 

U. S. Secret Service was headquartered). Guards were placed at the 
Garrett Street substation to protect against possible terrorists, and portable 
generators were positioned to provide power to television booths built in 
front of Lovett Hall. Electrical service to the various plenary sites on 
campus had to be significantly upgraded to handle television lighting and 
the communication and computer needs of the participants. This required 
another portable generator placed at the north end of Lovett Hall. In 
addition, the lighting around the exterior of the campus was increased, 
particularly at the entrances. HL&P assumed the expenses of this upgrad- 
ing and complete checking out of the system and all its redundancies. 
Unlike at the Paris summit, at no time was there a failure of any kind in 
electrical service for the Houston summit. 

Far more extensive upgrading of the telephone communica- 
tions system at Rice had to be done, provided gratis by Southwestern Bell 
and supervised by engineer Martin E. Spahn. The existing system was 
based on a 1 ,500 pair copper cable, with a capacity (almost filled) of 1 ,500 
working lines. This system was doubled and significantly improved by 
installing a fiber optic backbone at Rice. Fiber optic provides better 
transmission, is more easily expandable, and is much more secure because 
it is very difficult to tap. It also makes possible state-of-the-art communi- 
cation of every kind: voice, data, or video transmission. During the 
summit, university communications continued to be via copper cable, but 
all summit-related communications were on the new fiber optic system; 
and soon after the summit, Rice transmissions would shift permanently to 
the new system, provided at no charge to the university by Southwestern 
Bell. Not only will this $1.5 million system improve communication 
locally and give Rice direct data and video transmission capabilities to the 
Texas Medical Center and the Houston Advanced Research Center, but it 
will also make it possible for Rice to link up with two proposed and 
extremely advanced computer networks that will connect Texas area 
research centers and a national computer system. These networks will 



complement existing linkages between Rice and computers nationwide. 

The fiber optic system tied together all the summit sites at 
Rice, facilitating internal communication (voice, data, video, and an 
electronic writing tablet system whereby advisers at plenary sessions 
could communicate via instantaneous transmission of handwritten notes to 
delegate officials), linked the temporary delegate offices at the university 
to the hotel accommodations of the various nations, and linked these 
locations both to the respective government offices back in the home 
countries and to the contingent of each nation's journalists at the Brown 
Center. For all practical purposes, the governments of the G-7 nations 
were being run from Houston for several days, so sophisticated communi- 
cation facilities were mandatory. The fiber optic system connected Rice 
via an underground tunnel beneath Main Street to a fiber optic link down 
Fannin and thence to the Central Office Terminal (the Jackson exchange) 
on Richmond Avenue between Mandell Street and Montrose Boulevard. 
Voice and data transmissions were sent from there to New York City and 
then abroad via an AT&T fiber optic. Rice and the Brown Center were 
also connected via fiber optics, and then clean video transmissions were 
sent via fiber optic from there to a satellite uplink facility in far southwest 
Houston. Houston International Teleport, in cooperation with other 
facilities of its owner, Satellite Transmission and Reception Specialists 
(STARS), provided 24-hour live television feeds for its American, Japa- 
nese, and European customers. 

Southwestern Bell was the major provider of telecommunica- 
tions equipment and service and had over 1,000 personnel assigned to the 
project for months. Other long-distance providers, cellular telephone 
companies, and telecommunications specialists were involved, represent- 
ing a permanent and temporary investment in hardware — phones, fiber 
optics, switching equipment, cellular and satellite antennae, and so forth — 
of approximately $50 million. Much of this system was dismantled after 
the summit and will be deployed elsewhere, but permanent enhancements 
of the city's communication infrastructure did result, particularly at Rice 

with its new fiber optic communication backbone. While the eyes of the 
world were focused on Houston, the telecommunications system made it 
all possible. 

Much of the summit agenda was staged and timed for 
television coverage, with special attention given to camera angles, position 
of the sun and resulting shadows, and photogenic "photo-ops" for trans- 
mission around the world. This need drove the efforts to facilitate and 
enhance the television images. A series of glass-walled television broad- 
cast booths were erected in an arc on the east lawn of Lovett Hall, linked 
via underground fiber optic cables to local television stations and the 
satellite uplink. Portable generators made air conditioning possible; from 
these booths local, national, and international television broadcasts — 
including interviews with participants like James Baker— were initiated 
live, with the flag-festooned east front of Lovett Hall serving as a back- 
drop. Because daytime in Japan is night in Houston, Rice installed power- 
ful concealed lighting to illuminate the east facade of Lovett Hall to make 
possible live Japanese broadcasts throughout the night. A small, raised 
stand for photographers and television cameras was constructed that 
angled to the north from near the east side of the Sallyport. This stand 
accommodated press coverage of the arrival of the heads of the delega- 
tions at curbside in front of Lovett Hall. 

Television cameras were also mounted on the roof of the 
southwest corner of the Physics Building and atop Fondren Library, as 
well as one on the ground near the cloisters linking Sewall Hall to Lovett 
Hall. These pool cameras provided television coverage of the opening 
ceremonies in the academic quadrangle. Two three-tiered raised stands, 
complete with telecommunication hookups, were also provided for print 
and television pool journalists in the quadrangle, the larger stand (80 x 12 
feet) parallel to Lovett Hall just east of the statue of William Marsh Rice 
and the smaller one (50 x 12 feet) adjacent and parallel to Sewall Hall. 
Between this smaller stand and Lovett Hall was a small stand covered 
with a tent canopy where the spouses of the heads of delegations along 




with the other members of the delegations could sit to watch the opening 

Between the larger media stand and Lovett Hall stood the 
small (22 x 8 feet) president's reviewing stand for the heads of delega- 
tions, complete with an underground air-conditioning system and an 
added-at-the-last-possible-moment roof to shield the delegates from the 
anticipated blazing sun but high enough not to interfere with ever-essential 
camera angles. Luckily Rice planners had expected last-minute changes 
and had put a convenient lumberyard on call throughout the weekend. 
Among the unsung heroes of the entire summit effort were Thomas W. 
Moffett of Rice and his facilities employees, who performed incredible 
feats of erecting and tearing down elaborate stands. By 9:00 Monday 
evening, following the opening ceremonies, all the stands inside the 
academic quadrangle had been removed and the sod replaced. At times 
the international media seemed to focus more on the air-conditioned 
reviewing stand than the substantive events of the summit; that engineer- 
ing feat exemplified Rice's commitment to do everything possible to 
guarantee that all summit events on campus would proceed without a 
hitch. As it turned out, everything performed perfectly, prompting even 
the taciturn Secret Service men to say they had never worked such a 
smoothly organized summit. Of course, good things are seldom the result 
of happenstance. The summit success at Rice was the result of careful 
planning and dedicated workers, and not just at the management level. 
The physical plant employees (under the supervision of W. G. Mack) and 
the custodial and grounds crews (supervised by Eusebio Franco, Jr.) put 
in extremely long hours and responded with admirable enthusiasm to the 
additional chores. A genuine esprit de corps developed that no one had 
completely anticipated but everyone appreciated. 

In addition, Rice made arrangements to secure for itself a 
photographic record of the elaborate summit preparations and the actual 
plenary sessions. Staff photographer Tommy LaVergne took hundreds of 

pictures of every stage of the preparations as well as the opening ceremo- 
nies, and Geoff Winningham, Rice professor of media and photography, 
was accorded the status of White House photographer and allowed to take 
pictures at all the formal sessions. Rice planners intended from the 
beginning that a selection of these photographs would be displayed at a 
post-summit exhibition, presented in slide form to various university 
audiences, and used to illustrate this book. 

Thanks to the insistence of Edgar Odell Lovett in 1910 and the 
design brilliance of architect Ralph Adams Cram, Rice University has 
long had one of the most admired campuses in America, with perhaps an 
unprecedented degree of stylistic conformity. Not every building and 
every siting, however, was equally good, and with two major new build- 
ings under construction — housing the Shepherd School of Music and the 
new laboratories of biomedical science and engineering — the Rice Board 
of Trustees had begun to seek a new landscaping vision for the next half 
century ("landscaping" meaning sidewalks, roads, signage, every visual 
aspect of the campus). When the summit was announced for Rice, it 
simply meant that special landscaping attention also had to be given 
immediately to those portions of the campus intended to serve as a back- 
drop for the event. Rice had employed the services of a renowned firm, 
Sasaki Associates, Inc., of Cambridge, Massachusetts, to develop a total 
landscaping plan; now parts of that plan would be hastened into realization 
to fit the summit schedule. White House and summit planners had def- 
inite requirements that had to be addressed, a process that at times intensi- 
fied already tense budget negotiations as to who would pay for what. 

Both Rice officials and summit planners wanted those parts 
of the campus visible to delegates and the press to look as beautiful as 
possible. Under the direction of landscape architect Stuart O. Dawson, 
selected trees and shrubs were planted that enhanced photo-op back- 
grounds and simultaneously meshed with the long-range landscaping 
scheme. Because the heads of the delegations would walk east from 


Herring Hall on Tuesday noon under the oak-canopied road between 
Baker College and Rayzor Hall and then turn into the Faculty Club for 
lunch — and this walk was a carefully orchestrated occasion for television 
and still photographers — Stu Dawson suggested a graceful patio outside 
the north entrance to the club. Not only would this make a lovely setting 
for the pre-luncheon procession, but by slightly shifting a sidewalk lead- 
ing from Lovett Hall it both created a vista through the Lovett cloisters 
toward the Faculty Club and highlighted a particularly handsome window 
over which was carved the Rice seal. The courtyard at Herring Hall was 
also very significantly enhanced with plantings and patio stones. 

This kind of permanent improvement of the campus, com- 
pletely compatible with Cram's original vision of buildings arranged on 
visually pleasing axials, Rice was happy to fund. After difficult discus- 
sion, Rice also reluctantly agreed to plant some 50,000 square feet of sod 
along roads and sidewalks where the green would complement television. 

shots. Much of this grass, under thick-foliaged live oaks, predictably had 
a short life, but White House officials pressed very hard that Rice's offer 
of its campus implied grassy vistas, at least for the duration of the summit. 
Though Rice gave in on this issue and even had to resort to painting some 
of the dying grass green, officials were able to withstand summit planners' 
desires to enliven and brighten the campus with a profusion of flowers. 
White House planners thought the campus^ — necessarily devoid of stu- 
dents during the summit — would have a sterile appearance. The landscap- 
es' solution was to position over two hundred large terra-cotta pots (most 
of them 24 inches in diameter), filled with white periwinkles, between the 
columns of the arches lining the academic quadrangle and arranged in 
rows in front of Fondren Library and Lovett Hall. 

Although at first the abundance of color seemed out of place, 
even seemed too busy amid the quiet beauty of Lovett Hall, the new look 
soon became pleasing even to skeptical campus observers. Practically 


everyone agreed that in the televised shots of the opening ceremonies, 
with President Bush walking the arriving dignitaries through the cloisters 
from the Sallyport toward the patio at the north end of Sewall Hall, the 
flowers looked beautiful against the brick-and-granite arches. The 206 
flower pots and 5,688 other bedded periwinkles in the quadrangle and at 
entrances one and two to the campus were paid for by the government, 
and original plans called for the pots to be removed shortly after the 
conclusion of the event. At the end of the summit, however, the govern- 
ment gave the terra-cotta pots with their periwinkles to the university. 
In several locations Rice rebuilt sidewalks, repaired or in- 
stalled curbs, had an offending fireplug moved out of an otherwise 
unobstructed vista, and generally dressed up the campus. Long-term 
plans included repaving the roads around the inner campus loop, so this 
project was rushed to completion before the international guests arrived. 
One major Rice-incurred landscaping expense was totally unrelated to the 

summit. During the early spring visits of delegation advance teams, the 
Rice community began to notice that the thirty trademark Italian cypress 
trees that adorned the academic quadrangle were turning brown. As a 
consequence of Houston's record-breaking December 1989 cold spell, the 
tall, cylindrical trees were dying. Research suggested that similar species 
of trees would have fared no better, so an effort was begun to purchase 
new Italian cypresses. But not enough large ones were available any- 
where in the nation. It seems some giant Las Vegas casino had recently 
cornered the market, so Rice had to settle for slightly smaller trees. Be- 
cause apparently the original cypresses had also been weakened by excess 
soil dampness, a complicated drainage system was constructed to take 
away water from the root system of the trees at the same time that a 
watering system was installed at ground level. This extensive plumbing 
and planting was hurriedly completed before the summit, barely in time 
for the resodding to look natural. 




All over campus there was an atmosphere of nervous anticipa- 
tion: Because important company was arriving, we had better clean up 
and repaint and show our best face. The new paving, however, presented 
an unanticipated problem. In the June heat the asphalt cured slowly; when 
it was learned that the heavily armored, four-wheeled limousines weighed 
approximately 8,000 pounds each, planners grew concerned that the 
limos would leave deep ruts in the still soft roads. Consequently the roads 
were sprayed with cooling water at night and special machines were 
brought in to compact the asphalt and thereby aid its curing. It worked. 
No limos were mired in the paving, and the freshly black roads, with 
speed bumps removed, presented a good, shadow-free foreground for the 
Tuesday photo opportunity of the eight heads of delegations walking 
down College Way for lunch at the Faculty Club. 

Casual visitors to the campus in the late spring might have 
thought that all the preparations were outside the buildings. That was true 
until after classes were over and graduation ceremonies were held on 
Saturday, May 5. But the following Monday evening — after most stu- 
dents and many faculty left — workers began swarming into Fondren 
Library and Herring Hall, and to a far lesser extent into Lovett Hall and 
Sewall Hall, to effect an almost miraculous transformation of the public 
spaces that would for three days in July become perhaps the most care- 
fully secured private meeting rooms in America. The summit office in 
Washington contracted with a local architectural firm, PDR, Planning 
Design Research Corporation, with Drew Patton supervising, to revamp 
the existing spaces to fit summit needs and redecorate all the spaces 
appropriately. As the State Department contract with PDR frankly stated, 
"Cosmetic appearance of the meeting rooms is of paramount importance 
for this international event." With that general guideline, PDR set to work 
transforming Rice offices and library rooms from an academic setting to 
what was called a setting for world diplomacy. 

The four plenary meeting rooms received the most attention. 

Following Monday's opening ceremony, the heads of the eight delega- 
tions would meet privately for two hours in the Founders' Room of Lovett 
Hall. At this restricted plenary meeting no foreign ministers or finance 
ministers would be in attendance, although the chief policy adviser of each 
delegation head would be present. (These chief advisers have, in summit 
parlance, come to be known as "sherpas," after the Tibetan people who 
traditionally guided mountain climbers to the summits of the Himalayas, 
so henceforth that term will be employed here.) Minimum changes were 
made in this room: rest room facilities were shifted; a cherry and maple 
veneered oval table, twenty feet by nine feet, was designed (by Wayne H. 
Braun of PDR) and constructed by the Houston firm of Brochsteins Inc. 
(headed by Rice alumnus Raymond D. Brochstein); and work stations for 
the eight sherpas were positioned around the perimeter of the room. 
Toward the north end of the room and in the north balcony, interpreters 
booths were constructed. Special lighting was added and telecommunica- 
tions equipment provided to the sherpa work stations so the sherpas could 
communicate via handwritten notes on an electronic writing pad to the 
delegation offices in Lovett Hall. No audio transmissions were to be made 
from this Founders' Room meeting, although each nation would have 
closed-circuit television pictures of its leaders to monitor his or her health. 
The flags of the several delegations hung from the ceiling of the Founders' 

Extensive changes were demanded for the two rooms hous- 
ing the Monday afternoon meetings of the foreign ministers and the 
finance ministers in the Elder Periodical Room and the Wright Reference 
Room respectively of Fondren Library. Essentially the rooms were 
transformed into handsome boardrooms, furnished with equally ornate 
tables made of the same cherry and maple veneer as the Lovett Hall table. 
These two round tables, nine feet and eighteen feet in diameter, were also 
designed by Wayne Braun and built by a Brochsteins subsidiary. Architec- 
tural Woodwork Corporation. Luxurious leather chairs were provided; 




!iffl|i;iii|i;iiiiiiiiiiipiiiiiii | i | i | '" MIHn!,? 

plants and paintings decorated the rooms, and the'Cullen Rotunda between 
the two rooms was handsomely appointed with gold-fringed flags of the 
participating nations hanging from brass footstands. The round reference 
desk and the card catalogue computer terminals that normally lined the 
Wright Reference Room were removed, the carpet replaced where the 
reference desk stood, and the several exits from the room walled over. 
The entrance toward the rotunda was decreased in size and closed with 
mahogany doors. Television lights and cameras were installed, with the 
closed-circuit television signals sent to a bank of screens in an adjacent 
library room. In front of this line of television screens were closed booths 
for the fifteen interpreters, three each for five languages; only in this 
meeting of the eight finance ministers and their eight assistant sherpas 
were the interpreters not in actual line of vision with the principals whose 
words they were translating. 

More extensive remodeling was done for the Monday 

afternoon meeting of the foreign ministers in the Elder Periodical Room. 
The circulation desk and the stairwell from the basement to the second 
floor were walled off. Then two-story walls were built so that the mezza- 
nine no longer overlooked the periodical room, where the foreign minis- 
ters' table was located. Narrow slots, reminiscent of gun wells in old 
forts, allowed the translators sitting on the mezzanine to see the foreign 
ministers below, and the walls hid cameras, computers, and communica- 
tion equipment. The assistant sherpas sat at four regular library tables 
forming a square in the middle of which was the round table for the 
foreign ministers. The periodicals that normally stood on the visible book 
shelves were replaced with handsome bound sets of British Parliamentary 
Papers, the Congressional Record, and similar large volumes that gave 
the room a scholarly yet governmental tone. Temporary blinds about 
eight feet high were installed in the ample windows of the room, on the 
east and south sides of the library overlooking both Lovett Hall and Baker 


College, to guarantee privacy and security. 

In this room also, as well as in the corridor just to its west, 
were placed paintings, sofas, tables, plants — giving the whole a look 
emphatically unlibrary-like. The offices on the northern side of the library 
that normally house the Computer and Information Technology Institute 
were emptied of their regular furniture and books, then redecorated with 
more attractive furniture, leather-bound books, and paintings, and pro- 
vided as temporary offices for the foreign and finance ministers of the 
various delegations. 

The main plenary meetings of the summit, with the heads of 
delegations, the foreign ministers, and the finance ministers — twenty-four 
in all — sitting at one magnificent table forty feet long and ten feet wide, 
were held in the O'Connor Reading Room of Herring Hall. These full 
plenary meetings occurred Tuesday morning and afternoon and Wednes- 
day morning, so most of the official work of the summit took place in 

Herring Hall. As with Lovett Hall, eight holding rooms (all elegantly 
refurnished) had to be provided for the heads of delegations, and sufficient 
office space provided for other working delegates and advisers. Here too 
the holding rooms had to be made more or less equal in size and level of 
opulence, though they ranged in dimension from that of President Bush 
down to that of President Jacques Delors, the lowest-ranking head of a 
delegation according to protocol. President Bush's spacious holding room 
was constructed within a large classroom, with temporary walls to hide a 
blackboard and other temporary walls to hide lockers in a hallway. 

Additional holding rooms were provided by removing the 
stepped theater seating from several large classrooms, leveling the floors, 
then constructing partitions down the middle to make equivalent rooms. 
The walls, though temporary, were complete with chair rails to comple- 
ment existing finishes; and the resulting rooms were handsomely deco- 
rated with carpeting, beautiful furnishings including desks, sofas, tables, 


books, desk accessories, and various paintings and knickknacks. When 
government summit planners realized that someone might look out a 
window and see the loading dock at Wiess College, jackhammers were 
brought in to take out the objectionable concrete, a standard Rice pea- 
gravel sidewalk was installed, dirt filled in the former driveway, sod and 
azaleas were planted, and the loading dock area was walled in and painted. 
What had been a utilitarian area became for a short time, Cinderella-like, 
an attractive swath of grass and shrubbery. All these temporary changes 
were at government expense, with everything returned to the pre-summit 
status quo by the time classes began in late August. 

Perhaps the most elaborate changes were made to the 
O'Connor Reading Room. Because it normally houses the business 
library, a small circulation desk and several offices for reader services 
flank the entrance. Summit planners deemed this aura of a library inap- 
propriate for a diplomatic meeting, so walls were erected to shield these 
areas from view. The O'Connor Room itself was considered too long, so 
a new wall that reached all the way to the vaulted ceiling was installed. 
As with the temporary walls in all the buildings, this wall too was held in 
place by pressure bolts, with foam cushioning so the permanent carpets 
and ceilings would not be disturbed. High up on the new wall of the 
reading room the PDR architects positioned a relief map of the world, 
attractively backlit in blue. Again flags of the participating nations hung 
from the stenciled ceiling. Sherpa work stations were positioned in the 
alcoves surrounding the room — all 10,000 books had been boxed up and 
removed from the library. 

But the centerpiece of the room was the huge table, designed, 
as were all the plenary tables, by Wayne Braun of PDR. This was the 
most spectacular table of all. The center of the long oval top was of curly 
maple, a rare pattern favored by early American furniture makers. This 
particular maple came from a tree cut in Michigan in 1962; for twenty- 
eight years the craftsmen at Brochsteins Inc. had held this extraordinary 

veneer, waiting for a special use. The edge of the table was made of 
cherry, cut from a century-old tree in Pennsylvania, with the grain radiat- 
ing outward from the center of the table. The table with its steel frame and 
weight of almost 4,500 pounds took over 2,300 man-hours to design and 
construct. This table, costing $175,000, was donated to the State Depart- 
ment by PDR; the other three tables, made with the same veneers and 
costing a total of $314,500, were later offered for sale. 

These, of course, are not ordinary tables. Each has a built-in . 
microphone for every delegate, a plug for eaiphones to hear the interpret- 
ers, and a volume control. The tables are round in shape to ensure equality 
of seating arrangement — no one would sit at the head of the table. Ac- 
cording to the architectural firm, the shape also symbolizes a "closed 
circle of cooperation wherein all members play an important role in 
keeping the community whole and intact." The tables symbolize, too, the 
care and enormous attention to detail that marked every aspect of the 1990 
Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations. This was, in every respect, a 
world class event, and the rooms at Rice were brought up to a standard of 
sumptuousness inappropriate for academic uses but expected abroad for 
meetings of the highest government officials. 

Lesser changes occurred in preparing holding rooms in 
Lovett Hall, in decorating the lobby outside the Sewall Hall Art Gallery 
(where members of the visiting delegations and their spouses would wait 
before the opening ceremonies), and in the Faculty Club, where the heads 
of delegations would assemble when they first arrived at Rice and where 
they would have a working lunch on Tuesday. Asset Inventory Systems 
was contracted to keep track of all the Rice furnishings that were moved 
out and all the new furnishings moved in. In all, a total of 750 items was 
loaned by 43 sources — furniture showrooms, the Decorative Center, and 
major corporate offices. For days Cotton Moving and Storage trucks and 
moving personnel scurried about the campus, moving furniture in and out 
of buildings. These expenses, too, were met by the federal government. 



Rice faculty and staff handled the inconvenience with a minimum of 
complaints; after all, even President Rupp had to move out of his office 
and into temporary quarters in Brown College for several weeks. Presi- 
dent Rupp's desk — originally President Lovett's desk — proved too big to 
move out of the office, so it had to remain. The faculty and staff of the 
Jones School and the Computer Information and Technology Institute — 
who were completely moved out of their quarters for weeks— were 
extraordinarily cooperative; they coped with extensive disruption with 
grace and good humor. 

To a casual observer much of this preparation and renovation 
seemed excessive. Summit officials explained that however democratic 
American expectations are, foreign government officials expect a level of 
accommodation far in excess of what one finds in even the most richly 

appointed rooms on a university campus. The approximately 600 linear 
feet of hew walls were also not all simply for decoration; they necessarily 
concealed interpreters, closed-circuit television cameras, computers, 
communication equipment, and technicians to monitor the equipment. 
Drew Patton of PDR and the interior decorators — directed by Angie 
Patton — sought to change the academic ambience at Rice to one resem- 
bling the "west wing of the White House"; taking their cues from summit 
planners, the architects' task was not merely to create an image but rather 
to meet a requirement for diplomatic interchange. As one summit 
spokesman from Washington put it, "If you think this is excessive, you 
should have seen what the French did at Versailles." The federal govern- 
ment proved quite successful in getting many items and services donated, 
thus limiting the total cost of the summit to taxpayers. Most Rice ex- 
penses went toward permanent improvements to the campus and were 
substantially underwritten by contributions. Almost all the non-capital- 
improvement costs to Rice were incurred on behalf of several educational 
components — a lecture series, a symposium, curricular materials, student 
journalism — that proved a valuable complement to the summit. 


A less obvious kind of preparation involved the proper protocol, the 
etiquette of diplomacy. Formal diplomatic meetings between 
representatives of sovereign nations are arranged exactly accord- 
ing to protocol, which governs every detail down to who arrives in 
what order (by the rank of office and the length of service in a particular 
office), the precise angle by which the flags are dipped when the nations 
are being identified at the opening ceremonies, making sure all the flags 
are the right shape and hung properly (in the right order and not upside 
down or backwards) at every occasion, and determining how the leaders 
are to be saluted. They were to receive a 2 1 -gun salute, the guns being 
four 75 millimeter towed howitzers mounted on 105 millimeter carriages 
dating from the Second World War. The howitzers, firing one-half pound 
powder blanks, were flown in on C-140s from Washington for the summit 
and positioned in the Faculty Club parking lot. 

Not every protocol issue was easy to resolve. There was 
spirited discussion even among the American officials over whether the 
red carpet leading from the Sallyport to the reviewing stand was exactly 
the proper shade of red. Was it wide enough? Was it acceptable for 
several of the heads of delegations to walk on the bare sidewalk, and for 
one actually to walk on the grass? The answers to all were finally yes. 
Small decisions became not only contentious but important for those 

Because it is traditional and diplomatically appropriate, that is 
to say, required by protocol, four hundred members of the military honor 
guard were flown to Houston from Washington, D. C. (where they regu- 
larly meet dignitaries on the White House lawn), boarded at Will Rice, 
Lovett, and Baker colleges, and asked to perform their ceremonial 
display of colors and precision marching in the academic quadrangle 
between the statue of William Marsh Rice and the president's reviewing 
stand. One hundred and fifty feet of hedges had been carefully removed 
to create a temporary parade ground, and exterminators had previously 

sprayed that and certain other portions of the campus to eliminate ants and 
other unwelcome insects. One group of the color guard was dressed as 
colonial militiamen, and their fifes and drums recalled the 1 983 American 
summit meeting in Colonial Williamsburg. But this martial aspect of the 
arrival ceremonies was de rigueur protocol, not a demonstration of mili- 
tary might. 

Though to a layperson protocol may seem silly, it in fact 
smooths the interrelations between important people with important egos 
and, by virtue of agreed upon procedures, avoids potentially embarrassing 
disagreements over such minor procedures as who first exits a room. 
Joseph Reed, U. S. Chief of Protocol, the State Department, was in charge 
of the protocol details of every aspect of the summit. He and other staff 
persons spent hours figuratively walking through the summit schedule and 
training assistants to direct the various delegates to the right meeting room 
at the right moment. Stand-ins for the delegates, including several Rice 
students, simulated in advance every aspect of the summit, even arriving 
by limousine and being escorted through the exact schedule of events to 
check the timing and facilitate the training of the handlers. Reed's brief- 
ing book had each detail timed to the minute; every function, practically 
every movement by President Bush, was in effect choreographed and 

No detail was left to chance, no room was left for a misstep or 
an awkward moment. Short pieces of tape on the sidewalk beneath the 
front entrance to the Sallyport indicated by name how the heads of delega- 
tions were to enter the Sallyport and walk toward the academic quadrangle 
for the "class photo." When the delegation heads first arrived individually 
and then were escorted by President and Mrs. Bush through the Sallyport 
and underneath the cloisters of Lovett Hall to the patio at the east end of 
Sewall Hall, just at the precise location where the dignitaries stopped, 
there, on the edge of the step, were four short pieces of masking tape 
labeled: Mr. Bush, Mr. Guest, Mrs. Bush, Mrs. Guest. At that point the 



Bushes turned and handed their guests over to Chief of Protocol Reed, 
who escorted them several steps to meet Ambassador Malek, who then 
walked with them to the Faculty Club as the Bushes walked back through 
the Lovett Hall cloisters to await the arrival of the next head of delegation. 
No one at any time ad-libbed a step or comment or pause. Even the 
phrase "heads of delegations" was dictated by protocol because, techni- 
cally speaking, only Presidents Bush and Mitterrand were heads of state; 
the others were heads of government but not heads of state. The Queen is 
the head of state: Mrs. Thatcher is the head of the government. Hence the 
correct collective term for the assembled government leaders is head of 


While many might question some of the remodeling and 
refurnishing that occurred on the Rice University campus, and 
certain niceties of protocol seem an arcane throwback to the 
age of knighthood, no one could doubt the necessity of extraor- 
dinary security measures. After all, for several hours eight leaders of the 
Western world would be assembled on one small reviewing stand or in 
one or two meeting rooms. A would-be terrorist's dream could result in 
an international nightmare. Consequently no aspect of the summit was 
more carefully planned than security, and the city of Houston never before, 
in its history had witnessed such elaborate precautions. Flown in for the 
occasion were — accordirig to the local newspapers — approximately 400 
agents of the United States Secret Service, more than 100 Special Agents 
of the State Department, perhaps 300 Federal Bureau of Investigation 
agents, and members of the President's Protective Agency. In addition, 
1 ,500 members of the Houston Police Department were assigned to 
summit activities, plus 425 Harris County deputies, and countless other 
state, local, and military agents. The Secret Service headquartered in the 
Ley Student Center at Rice beginning June 8; the Famsworth Room 
housed their radio communications, but the only exterior indication of 
what was taking place inside was a satellite dish placed on top of the 
building. The Secret Service agents and the officers of the Houston Police 
Department were fed in the R Room, at the south end of the football 
stadium, by the Rice food service. In addition to the American personnel, 
each participating nation had personnel from its own security organiza- 
tions present. Marty Vest, director of the Rice Memorial Center, saw to 
every need of the Secret Service men and women, and they in turn practi- 
cally adopted her as an honorary member of their agency. 

Not every detail of the security arrangements can be dis- 
cussed even after the fact, for the various agencies — local, national, and 
international — charged with the responsibility of protecting visiting heads 
of delegations do not choose to reveal certain sensitive details of electronic 

surveillance and dther kinds of surveillance of individuals whose prior 
history made them potentially suspect. But what can be told explains 
why, for several days, Rice University was the safest place in the world 
for those who were authorized to be there. 

Months before the summit was to begin, security personnel 
began inspecting the facilities at Rice; every hotel housing delegates; the 
sites of secondary summit meetings such as Bayou Bend and the Museum 
of Fine Arts, where official dinners were held; the Astrodomain, site of the 
pre-summit rodeo; the Brown Convention Center; Ellington Field, where 
the airplanes carrying the heads of delegations landed; and each motor- 
cade route. Not only were the physical facilities of the hotels checked, but 
every person who might come into contact with the delegates — maids, 
waiters, food preparers, clerks — was checked. Food ingredients were 
inspected. Secret Service agents examined lists of tenants of buildings 
that lined the various motorcade routes and performed a careful check to 
see if any persons had criminal records. Several times in advance of the 
summit the Secret Service agents drove the motorcade routes videotaping 
every building, house, intersection, and vehicle encountered. These tapes 
were reviewed to see if anything looked suspicious, and the license plates 
of the vehicles were run through police computers to see if any of the 
vehicles belonged to known or suspected troublemakers. Minor changes 
were made in several of the routes as a result, and the exact times of 
motorcades were changed many times — even slight variations during the 
summit from announced schedules — to confuse potential terrorists. 

Close watch was kept on several groups who were known to 
be planning protests during the summit, and specific locations in Hermann 
Park across from the Rice campus were designated for such protests. 
Extensive police supervision was provided; members of mutually antago- 
nistic groups were prevented from interfering with each other or causing 
violence. The police in full riot gear at the Ku Klux Klan rally on Satur- 
day afternoon preceding the summit, for example, far outnumbered the 



Klansmen present. Hecklers were watched as well, with one insistent 
person getting arrested. Security planners had determined that no protest 
would be censored, but also that none would be allowed to get out of 

All the construction at Rice. was inspected before new walls 
were closed in to ensure that no explosive or listening device was hidden; 
in fact, on several occasions walls had to be reopened after they were 
closed because they had not been officially examined. Secret Service 
agents even dismantled and put back together again the portable air 
conditioning units that were concealed under the president's reviewing 
stand to make certain that they contained no bombs. All the buildings on 
campus were swept for bombs the Saturday before the summit opened. 
Already the Secret Service, the Houston Police Department's Bomb 
Squad, and the Fire Department had carefully inspected the network of 
utility tunnels beneath the Rice campus. After the final sweep, many 

manhole covers were tack-welded shut; those portions of the tunnels that 
had entries from basements were secured with Secret Service locks. The 
same was done to all the manhole covers along the various motorcade 
routes. Similarly all mailboxes on the Rice campus and lining the motor- 
cade routes were removed several weeks in advance so no terrorist could 
plant an explosive in one or more of them. 

The air space above Rice for six miles in every direction was 
restricted; trauma helicopters from the Texas Medical Center were al- 
lowed to fly, but not in the direction of Rice, and the traffic helicopters 
that many Houston drivers depend on were grounded over much of the 
city. During the summit proceedings several Black Hawk helicopters, 
temporarily stationed at Ellington Field, maintained aerial surveillance of 
the campus. In the case of an emergency on the campus involving summit 
delegates, a rescue procedure was practiced. While two Black Hawks 
circled low over the campus, two other Black Hawks with armed com- 


mandoes quickly zoomed down almost to ground level to simulate a 
landing between Herring Hall and the Rice Memorial Center. In the case 
of a real threat, delegates would have been whisked out of the building 
and to safety in a matter of minutes. Security agents were also placed atop 
several Rice buildings and tall buildings in the Texas Medical Center. 

Every possible contingency was considered. National 
Guardsmen unloaded the delegates' luggage onto the tarmac at Ellington 
Field so that bomb-sniffing dogs could inspect them. Medical planners 
examined the complete medical history of each of the major participants; 
specialists in every potential illness or ailment were on standby around the 
clock, and several emergency rooms were also constantly ready, with all 
the medical personnel having cleared a security check. Ambulances, 
helicopters, and other response vehicles were on instant standby. An 
ambulance was driven in each motorcade just behind the limousine, with a 
second ambulance available should the first have a flat or motor trouble. 

Each delegation included the personal medical doctor of the respective 
head of delegation, and that doctor observed the delegate head every 
moment of each plenary session via closed-circuit television without 
audio. If there had been the least visible indication of a medical prob- 
lem — a stroke, for example, or heart attack or choking — the monitoring 
doctor was in instantaneous electronic contact with a standby physician 
and emergency team at a Texas Medical Center hospital. 

Security was tight at every summit related site, but nowhere 
more so than the Rice campus. The Rice Campus Police had been in- 
volved in security planning from the very beginning, although always in 
an advisory or cooperative mode. The Secret Service, along with the 
Houston Police Department, devised the security plan, but the Rice 
Campus Police represented the Rice administration in making sure that all 
Rice personnel understood the procedures and were inconvenienced as 
little as possible. The Secret Service and HPD were, understandably, little 
concerned about inconvenience; their sole purpose was to have a secure 
campus for three days. The first line of that security was approximately 
150 Houston police officers standing about 100 feet apart around the 
entire perimeter of the campus twenty-four hours a day. The streets 
ringing the campus were made one lane and one way, from Sunset Boule- 
vard to Rice Boulevard to Greenbriar Avenue to University Boulevard to 
Main Street. From MacGregor Boulevard (formerly Outer Loop) past the 
Mecom Fountain, Main Street was completely closed to through traffic. 
Police officers stood in the closed lanes; at night, temporarily improved 
lighting courtesy of Houston Lighting and Power eliminated dark areas. 
The police officers, with a fifteen-minute break every two hours, were on 
twelve-hour shifts. Coffee and snacks were provided; the Harris County 
Mosquito Control District did extra spraying in the region to provide a 
measure of comfort for the foot-weary police officers. All police vaca- 
tions were cancelled for the duration of the summit; as a result, even with 
the concentration of personnel on summit events, more police than usual 


patrolled streets throughout the remainder of the city. 

Inside the police line there was a no-man's-land under close 
surveillance. Then, around the perimeter of the inner area of the campus 
called the Summit Security Zone — roughly from the President's House, 
Lovett Hall and the academic quadrangle, to Herring Hall and the Rice 
Memorial Center, extending south to include the Faculty Club and six 
residential colleges (but excluding the Allen Business Center), then 
reaching across most of the stadium parking lot — there was extremely 
tight security by what are called uniformed Secret Service agents. For the 
even more restricted area actually containing the plenary meeting rooms, 
Secret Service personnel were practically hand to hand. This portion of 
the campus was totally off-limits to anyone without highest security 
clearance. No mail packages or packages conveyed by any vendor could 
be delivered to offices or departments during the summit period; all such 
deliveries had to be made to the Rice campus police office and could be 
picked up at the conclusion of the summit. Even the maintenance and 
custodial personnel required to be in the Summit Security Zone had to be 
cleared and accompanied by Secret Service agents. It would have been 
deadly business for any unauthorized person found to be in this inner 
sanctum of the summit. 

But as secure as the total campus was, Rice officials had 
worked out in advance exacting procedures whereby necessary Rice 
faculty, staff, and graduate students could come on campus to perform 
essential work. Some of the most grueling negotiation with the govern- 
ment about use of the Rice campus had involved Rice's insistence that 
much of the work and research of the university had to continue. The 
business operations of the campus continued in Allen Center; many of the 
administrative employees were moved to converted dormitory rooms in 
Brown College; and ongoing experiments in the laboratories had to be 
tended. Sandwiches were provided in Allen Center to the personnel there, 
while Sammy's (the campus snack bar) was relocated to the Brown 

College Commons for the duration of the summit. A complicated 
credentialing procedure was employed to control entry to the campus. 
Everyone who had a legitimate reason to be on campus during the summit 
period submitted his or her name to the Rice Summit Office. This master 
list was then processed by the Rice Campus Police. Automobile tags (to 
be hung from the interior windshield mirror) were sent to the relevant 
personnel; this displayed tag allowed a person to enter the campus at one 
of three specified locations. 

Once on campus, a barricade of concrete trash barrels re- 

■ quired anyone driving to stop. Police and military personnel checked the 
trunk and interior of the car for weapons or bombs. Then one went to the 
credentials desk, manned by members of the Rice Campus Police, under 
an adjacent tent. One's name was checked against the master credential 
list; once the name was located, one handed in his or her regular Rice 
identification card and was handed in return an official security badge that 
allowed one access to what was labeled "the outer perimeter." After 
clipping this badge to one's clothings one walked through a magnetometer 
(a metal detector similar to those used at airports) operated by Secret 

. Service personnel. Then one could go to those portions of the campus not 
labeled a Summit Security Zone, which, as described before, consisted of 
most of the campus except for the Allen Center and the laboratories and 
colleges north of Laboratory Road — the road between the Chemistry 
Building and the library. One could not casually walk across campus 
from, say, the M. D. Anderson Biological Laboratories to Allen Center. 
Obviously, campus life was disrupted, but given what might have been, 
the educational life of the university continued to a remarkable degree 
during summit activities. 


Precisely because it is first and foremost an educational institution. 
Rice sought in a variety of ways to educate the larger community 
about summitry in general and the international issues and oppor- 
tunities facing this summit in particular. Beginning on March 26, 
1 990, and continuing for seven Monday evenings, the Office of Continu- 
ing Studies offered a course entitled "A Global View of the Economic 
Summit." Utilizing the expertise primarily of professors of political 
science, economics, and history, the classes gave a broad overview of the 
historical, political, and economic issues that could be expected to be at 
the forefront of discussion at the Houston summit and examined the 
record of past summits, economic and otherwise. 

Carl MacDowell, for example, head of Rice's summit office, 
described the 1983 Williamsburg summit and previewed preparations at 
Rice. Historian Francis Loewenheim gave a historical sketch of presiden- 
tial participation in summits from Woodrow Wilson at Versailles follow- 
ing World War I to George Bush at the 1989 economic summit at 
Versailles. Political scientist Richard Stoll put the upcoming summit in 
the context of changing global politics; economist Gordon Smith analyzed 
the international economic issues of the day; political scientist Fred von 
der Mehden described the so-called economic challenge of Japan and 
other newly industrialized Asian countries; and political scientist John 
Ambler discussed the European Common Market. Extremely popular, 
the course attracted an audience of several hundred. The series was also 
videotaped by the public access television station and broadcast several 
times before and during the 1990 summit. 

But of course adults were not the only Houstonians interested 
in the summit. Schoolteachers in the metropolitan area saw the event as a 
perfect occasion to teach students about the peoples and cultures of 
various nations. To facilitate this educational goal. Rice's education 
department, chaired by Linda M. McNeil, working with several volunteers 
and four teachers from the Houston Independent School District, prepared 

a packet of curricular materials intended for a three- to five-day set of 
lessons. The lesson plans, designed for third through tenth grade students, 
emphasized geography, economics, basic information about the summit, 
and the languages of the participating nations. The materials included 
maps, flags to color, a summit vocabulary, and other items designed to 
enhance students' understanding of the event that would surely dominate 
their city in midsummer. The curricular materials were distributed both to 
HISD and to suburban schools. 

At the other end of the academic spectrum, the Rice Institute 
for Policy Analysis sponsored a series of public forums on international 
defense policy and economics. The Rice forums, partially underwritten by 
grants from Pennzoil Company and the Hobby Foundation, brought 
together eight of the world's leading authorities on international affairs to 
identify and address some of the major issues that the summit participants 
would have to confront. The forum began on Wednesday, June 27, with a 
luncheon during which Masamichi Hanabusa, consul general of Japan in 
New York, spoke on "Japanese Aid to the Third World: Problems and 
Impacts for U. S. -Japan Relations." That evening the forum hosted a 
panel discussion on the topic "Debt, Trade, and Investment: How to Build 
a Secure Economic Future." The three panelists brought a wide range of 
expertise to focus on issues: Donald T. Regan, former U. S. secretary of 
treasury and White House chief of staff; Andreas A. M. van Agt, ambassa- 
dor of the European Economic Community to the United States; and 
Jeffrey D. Sachs, the Harvard wunderkind of international economics who 
has helped design the economic programs of Bolivia, Poland, and Yugo- 

The second day of the forum, which was directed by Joseph 
Cooper of the Rice Institute for Policy Analysis and held in the Grand Hall 
of the Rice Memorial Center, began with a luncheon address entitled "A 
New U. S. Policy Concept" by Paul H. Nitze, who has had a distinguished 
fifty-year career of advising presidents and served as a member of the U. S. 



delegation to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) and the more 
recent Arms Control Talks at Geneva. The forum closed that evening 

\ ith another stimulating panel discussion on the question, "The End of the 
Bi-Polar World?" The three panelists were Harold Brown, who was 
Jimmy Carter's secretary of defense; Andre L. Y. Giraud, from 1986 to 
1988 the French secretary of defense; and Denis W. Healy, a prominent 
Labour Party member of the British Parliament since 1952 and secretary 
of state for defense from 1964 to 1979. Sponsoring such high-level 
discussion of important policy issues in a forum open to the Houston 
public has been a Rice practice since its founding, and the Rice Institute 
for Policy Analysis appropriately contributed to that tradition. 

Another educational project perfectly suited for the occasion 
was the brainchild of the editors of the Thresher, Rice's student newspa- 
per. Wouldn't it be great. Jay Yates and Kurt Moeller, editors in chief, 

nused in the late spring, if a group of student editors from other colleges 
and universities could come to Houston, work with the Thresher editors, 
and jointly cover the summit. Yates and Moeller took their idea to Presi- 
dent George Rupp, who instantly saw the unique educational opportunity 
and agreed to fund it. After further discussion the proposal was refined to 
include inviting student editors from the six foreign nations represented at 
the summit. Consequently sixteen student journalists were chosen — one 
each from Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United King- 
dom, and ten from representative U. S. colleges and universities: Berke- 
ley, Carnegie-Mellon, Columbia, Harvard, Notre Dame, Swarthmore, and 
the University of Houston, University of Miami, University of Michigan, 
and Washington University. Rice paid their airfare and provided free 
room and board and office space. 

The visiting student journalists, along with a contingent of 
regular Thresher staff members, were provided summit press credentials. 
John Davenport, a local television news director, conducted a pre-summit 
press seminar for the students. President Rupp sponsored a reception for 

the student journalists in the Rice Faculty Club on Friday evening, July 6, 
with many of the regular working press invited to visit with the student 
journalists. The special summit Thresher staff put out three issues of the 
Thresher on July 9, 10, and 11. Each visiting student journalist wrote at 
least one byline article; each foreign student was asked to cover his or her 
nation's delegation and to prepare background material on the particular 
issues facing that nation. All articles and editorials were written in En- 
glish. The entire project was a resounding success; the students learned a 
great deal and relished the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, and the 
Thresher issues, distributed at the Brown Convention Center, were a hit 
with the working journalists. One could see members of the press 
throughout the Brown Center reading the work of the students, and ABC's 
"Good Morning America" interviewed three of them on its Tuesday 
broadcast. The point, once again, was that even in the midst of an interna- 
tional summit and a circus of press activity. Rice seized the opportunity to 
provide an educational experience for some thirty-four able young student 


From the first indication that the 1990 Economic Summit of Indus- 
trialized Nations might possibly come to Houston and, indeed, to 
Rice University, Rice officials were quick to offer the campus for 
two very different but interrelated reasons. First, as President 
Rupp said on many occasions, it was an honor for Rice to participate in a 
major historic event, albeit as the stage set and the prop manager; and 
second, the enormous media attention that would focus on Rice as the site 
of the summit offered a wonderful occasion to make the many merits of 
the university better known to a local, national, and international audience. 
But to ensure that Rice realized the potential benefits of this press expo- 
sure would require as careful planning as the other aspects of the summit. 
Though government officials would take care that Rice would be suitably 
prepared as the stage for the summit, Rice itself would have to see to 
the public relations preparations. That effort began in early December 
1989, as soon as it seemed clear that the summit would take place on the 

Among the first tasks of the Rice Summit Project Group, 
coordinated by Carl MacDowell, was to organize a Rice Summit Office, 
located in the Graduate House. Lou Ann Moore was named project 
director of university operations to help MacDowell manage the myriad 
of activities that would take place on campus. Jane Lowery was hired as 
project director of community relations and charged with the task of 
helping to formulate a media plan. Cris Pena became the administrative 
assistant of the summit office. On January 26, 1990, President Rupp 
announced the organization of a task force charged with the responsibility 
of facilitating summit activities on campus. The task force consisted of 
individuals directly responsible for certain functions (Marion Hicks, food 
and housing; Dow Hudlow, accounting; Tom Moffett, facilities and 
communication; Bill Noblitt, publicity and media relations; Mary 
Voswinkel, security; Jim Williamson, scheduling) and others who repre- 
sented vital constituencies (Allen Matusow, faculty; Spencer Yu, under- 

graduates; Robert Schmunk, graduate students). This committee worked 
closely with Lou Ann Moore and Jane Lowery. Once the scope of Rice's 
media and public relations opportunities became evident, Jane Lowery's 
responsibilities expanded and her office was moved to the Allen Business 
Center. Lowery also coordinated the activities of Rice volunteers, of 
whom there were many more than there were meaningful jobs to perform. 
Often times instantly available, campus-wise Rice students' were the most 
appropriate volunteers to use, but everyone was thanked, warned of the 
relative lack of opportunities for service, and occasionally sent to the 
South Main Civic Association to have duties assigned. Most volunteers, 
however, were essentially held in abeyance on the outside chance that 
some enormous need might develop at the last moment. Actually at the 
end the government poured in resources and personnel. Still, many 
dedicated volunteers did put in long hours that significantly contributed to 
the success of the summit at Rice. And at practically the last moment, a 
number of Rice student volunteers were hired either by one of several 
U. S. government agencies or by the various television networks and news 
organizations to perform a wide range of tasks that required a familiarity 
with the Rice campus. 

A media task force consisting of President Rupp, Provost Neal 
Lane, Vice-President Dean Currie, Dean Mary Mclntire, and Carl 
MacDowell was constituted and met regularly to direct Rice's effort to 
present itself to a larger public in a way consistent with the university's 
tradition of understated excellence. Vice-President Currie was given 
overall responsibility for managing the media and public relations pro- 
gram, working with Jane Lowery and the University Relations office. By 
late February a wide-ranging public relations effort was underway, with 
Rice staff members Kathie Krause and Scott Andrews working with local 
media and national media respectively. Recognizing both that the summit 
activities would require a public relations effort greater than the slightly 
expanded staff at Rice could handle and that it would be helpful to have 


the benefit of a company experienced in national media relations, Rice 
employed the firm of Fleishman-Hillard — which had a principal who had 
been actively involved as a White House staffer in a previous economic 
summit — to help with contacting the national media. 

The Rice summit office quickly got underway a variety of 
public relations projects to educate the media and, through them, the larger 
public, about the character of the university serving as the summit host. 
Fleishman-Hillard sent letters suggesting story angles about Rice to a 
number of national editors, with follow-up calls by a Fleishman-Hillard 
representative. Fleishman-Hillard also arranged a series of appointments 
for President Rupp with the editors of such publications as the Wall Street 
Journal, U. S. A. Today, and U. S. News and World Report in Washington 
and New York, which gave him an opportunity to discuss the merits of 
Rice University in the context of American higher education in general. 
No instant "story" on Rice was really anticipated; rather, the idea was 
subtly to raise the consciousness of the editors about Rice. Perhaps 
articles on or mentions of Rice would result in the months ahead. A series 
of media dinners was organized in Houston, to which a number of local 
journalists and bureau chiefs were invited to have dinner at the home of 
President and Mrs. Rupp and meet with a small group of representative 
Rice faculty and administrators. No hard sell was ever intended; the idea 
was that the Rice story, once understood, sold itself. Journalists were 
expected to interview some spokespeople, so Fleishman-Hillard experts 
provided a training session for administrators and faculty on how to 
communicate effectively when being interviewed. 

Work proceeded also on a carefully designed press packet to 
be distributed to several hundred selected journalists who would be in 
Houston to report the summit. This packet — primarily developed by Scott 
Andrews and later praised by a veteran of the Los Angeles Times as one of 
the best he had seen — assembled in a gray folder with the Rice seal 
handsomely embossed on the cover, consisted of five pages of concise 

information on "Rice University: An Introduction," "Rice University: A 
Brief History," "Rice University by the Numbers" (enrollment, average 
SAT scores, number of faculty, size of endowment, etc.), "Student Life at 
Rice," and "George Erik Rupp, President of Rice University"; a reproduc- 
tion of the U. S. News and World Report ranking of Rice as the tenth best 
national university, with the ranking highlighted; photographs of Lovett 
Hall and President Rupp; a color map of the campus; a copy of the 1989 
Report of the President; and a specially written, color-illustrated booklet 
entitled Rice University: Setting the Standard that very effectively outlined 
the history and development of Rice and communicated its character and 
ethos. This booklet was authored by Jeff Cruikshank; his editorial com- 
pany also took the photographs and designed the publication. All the 
materials in the packet, including the booklet, were meticulously re- 
viewed by Rice's media task force and a special faculty editorial commit- 
tee consisting of John B. Boles and William Martin and chaired by Dean 

Several special services were provided for both print media 
and television. High quality photographs of Lovett Hall were available for 
use by print journalists. Because no students would be on campus during 
the summit, the major television networks were invited to film campus 
scenes before the spring semester ended. NBC's "Today" show, for 
example, which during the summit broadcast an interview with the Coun- 
cil for the Advancement and Support of Education's "Professor of the 
Year" Dennis Huston, earlier filmed him in a classroom setting for use 
during the live interview. Rice contracted with Channel 2 locally to take 
aerial video shots of the campus and the particular buildings housing the 
plenary meetings on a sunny day. This video was offered to national and 
international networks as so-called B-Roll, the kind of visual backdrop 
over which the announcer's voice communicates the story. No aerial 
views would, of course, be possible during the actual summit, and the 
weather could be bad several days before the summit. So "perfect" video 


shots were prepared in advance. Cannata Communications Corporation 
also prepared a video that showed campus scenes, suggested the nature of 
the university, described the Rice Student Volunteer Program (RSVP), 
and concluded with brief interviews with a sampling of Rice professors. 
Kathie Krause and Scott Andrews of Rice's University Relations office 
also conducted dozens of media tours of the campus in advance of the 
summit. Never had so many' journalists from so many nations reported on 
the beauty and quality of the university. 

It was recognized at the very onset of summit media planning 
that with a multitude of opportunities to tell about Rice, some coordination 
of the message was necessary. A myriad of messages with wildly differ- 
ing emphases could fuzz the image and confound the communication. A 
great deal of thought went into developing what came to be called, some- 
what self-consciously, the "core message." In President Rupp's words," 
"We are the model for what higher education at its best can be." That 

model is the combination of the best qualities of a major research univer- 
sity and an intimate liberal arts college, where very able students are 
taught by accomplished professors in small classes. The message was 
elaborated on by discussing the college and honor system, the develop- 
ment and enhancement of a number of interdisciplinary research centers 
and institutes, and the financial accessibility of a Rice education made 
possible by the university's munificent endowment. Rice has long been a 
gem of American higher education too little recognized outside the South- 
west; the summit publicity allowed an opportunity to make its stellar 
qualities better known nationally and internationally. 

For the same reason that the Houston Host Committee sought 
via the hospitality offered at the Brown Convention Center to cultivate the 
media, Rice too sought in a variety of venues to promote its story. Volun- 
teer Tom Smith, Rice alumnus and member of its board of governors, 
working with Jane Lowery and a large number of fellow alumni, staffed a 


Media Hospitality Center in the R Room at Rice Stadium for more than 
three weeks in advance of the summit. Refreshments, a chance to relax, 
printed material on Rice University, a video presentation, and a high-tech 
HyperCard information system utilizing Macintosh computers with data 
and visuals on Rice, Houston, and Texas in part prepared by Rice student 
and staff volunteers was available in the R Room. Similarly furnished 
hospitality suites were provided in the three downtown hotels housing 
most of the visiting journalists. Rice alumni volunteers — coordinated by 
Patti Lewis Everett — welcomed the media at the Hyatt Hotel, the Four 
Seasons, and the Doubletree with a complimentary continental breakfast, 
snacks for lunch and after dinner, and a complimentary bar. The Rice core 
message was dispensed along with the edibles. 

A sleek information booth, designed by Jeff Cox of Rice's 
Office of University Relations, was installed in the Brown Convention 
Center and staffed throughout the summit activities by a group of volun- 

teers supervised by Tom Smith. Here too the press packet, the video, and 
the HyperCard system were on display; volunteers stood ready to answer 
questions about Rice; and a group of faculty and staff fluent in French, 
German, Italian, and Japanese were available to discuss Rice with journal- 
ists in their native tongue. Rice mementos — T-shirts, reporter's note- 
books featuring the Rice seal, Rice lapel pins, small Rice Owls for charm 
bracelets (also perfect for the chain holding the regulation media IDs that 
had to be worn to gain entry to the Brown Center) — were also immensely 
popular with the visiting journalists, many of whom turned out to be 
souvenir hounds: "I'll trade you a CBS pin for a Rice pin" or "I'll give 
you an NBC cap for a Rice T-shirt" was often heard near the Rice booth. 
Parenthetically, when the delegation staff and even Secret Service staff left 
the Rice campus on the final day of the summit, they removed the summit 
signage bearing the official logos from the walls and took them for 

The Rice Information and Communication Exchange, a 
library reference service provided to corporations on a fee basis by Rice's 
Fondren Library, in cooperation with librarians at other area universities 
and institutions, operated a free information reference center on the third 
floor of the Brown Center at the entrance to the press filing room. Super- 
vised by Una Gourlay of R. I. C. E. and Sherry Adams, head librarian of 
the Houston Chronicle, the reference center provided a variety of com- 
puter data bank information services to journalists. If a reporter needed 
background information to complete a story, the trained librarians were 
able via their data banks to answer practically any information question. 
The idea, appreciated by the visiting reporters, was to assist those trying to 
file an accurate story while faced with pressing deadlines. 


Japanese reporters and television networks covered the summit 
more aggressively than those of any other foreign nation, so it was 
appropriate that Prime Minister and Mrs. Toshiki Kaifu were the 
first to arrive in Houston. Their airplane landed at Ellington Air 
Field — formerly an aviation training field built on the eve of 
World War II — at 4:30 P. M. Friday, and, as would the other arrivals at 
Ellington, taxied to a stop at a red carpet laid out in front of the Base 
Operations Building of the Air National Guard Base located there. In a 
procedure repeated six times, first representatives of the U. S. Immigration 
and Naturalization Service and U. S. Customs boarded the plane. Once 
they had completed their responsibilities, the visiting nation's staff mem- 
bers exited the airplane. Then a U. S. protocol representative (and, on 
most occasions, that nation's ambassador to the U. S.) boarded the plane 
and accompanied the head of delegation, spouse, and official party down 
the steps to a series of "arrival greeters." Finally the protocol representa- 
tive escorted each head of delegation and spouse through a military cordon 
of troops to an awaiting helicopter for a brief, traffic-hopping trip to the 
hotel. President and Mrs. Bush arrived at Ellington later that evening at 
6:50 P. M. with appropriate fanfare. 

The Friday arrival ceremonies heralded the excitement that 
was to reign in Houston for almost a week. (Saturday afternoon Bush and 
Kaifu had a private pre-summit meeting at The Houstonian, Bush's local 
home.) The Royal Air Force jet carrying Prime Minister and Mr. 
Thatcher touched down on the tarmac of Ellington at 5:50 P. M. Saturday 
evening. Later, at 7:00 P. M., Prime Minister and Mrs. Brian Mulroney 
of Canada landed at Ellington, and President Jacques Delors of the Euro- 
pean Economic Community came in Sunday afternoon, 2:25 P. M., at 
Houston Intercontinental Airport, the only head of delegation to utilize a 
commercial airport and the only one to travel from the airport to his hotel 
via motorcade. 

Meanwhile, back at the Astroarena, the Texas-style barbecue 

for members of the press and for the earlier-arriving dignitaries had 
already begun. Later that evening, at 6:45, the heads of five delegations 
and their parties had joined President and Mrs. Bush for front-row seats to 
watch a specially staged 45-minute rodeo. Following the rodeo was a 45- 
minute abbreviated show presented by the Grand Ole Opry. While the 
visitors were witnessing a part of what visitors expect to see in Texas, 
frantic last-minute preparations were underway elsewhere in Houston. 

The Brown Convention Center was a beehive of activity as 
journalists scrambled to get acclimated, the Rice campus was already a 
totally secure zone, work was ongoing at the University of Houston 
preparing for the "Thank You, Houston" party that would be President 
and Mrs. Bush's final summit appearance, and physical plant craftsmen at 
Rice were feverishly working to build a canopy over the president's 
reviewing stand that had just been requested several hours earlier. A 
number of Houston religious communities held special worship services to ' 
offer prayers for the summit; a citywide ecumenical Service of Prayer for 
Economic Peace and Justice was held at Christ the King Lutheran Church, 
adjacent to the Rice campus, with Houston city controller George C. 
Greanias the featured speaker. 

Several hours later West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, 
Prime Minister and Mrs, Giulio Andreotti of Italy, and President and Mrs. 
Franccois Mitterrand of France were boarding airplanes in their respective 
nations preparing to fly across the Atlantic. Kohl had been scheduled to 
arrive Sunday afternoon but delayed his flight to watch his nation win the 
World Cup; consequently he arrived at Ellington Field at 5:05 A. M. 
Monday morning. Prime Minister Andreotti, whose nation had hosted the 
World Cup games, delayed coming until the championship was decided, 
and President Mitterrand, second to President Bush in the rankings of 
protocol, arrived last as protocol dictated. Early on Monday morning, 
5:15 A. M. Houston time, the Italian plane landed at Ellington, and four 
hours later President and Mrs. Mitterrand arrived aboard a graceful Air 





France Concorde. Now the cast was complete. Five of the dignitaries had 
Sunday to rest (the Bushes and Thatchers attended church), recover from 
any effects of jet lag, and prepare themselves for the meetings that would 
begin on Monday, July 9. 

The arrival of President and Mrs. Bush at curbside, in front of 
Lovett Hall, on Monday afternoon at 12:30 P. M. to formally open the 
1 990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations included a brief cer- 
emony rich in symbolic meaning for all friends of Rice University. The 
1912 opening of Rice had featured an international convocation of schol- 
ars, whose papers delivered and read both celebrated the state of scholar- 
ship in the world and announced a new member to the fraternity of institu- 
tions of higher education. The papers read at the Opening Ceremonies 
were collected in three magnificent volumes, the Book of the Opening, and 
inscribed to then President of the United States Woodrow Wilson. Just 
five years earlier Wilson as president of Princeton University had ■ 

suggested a young Princeton mathematician, Edgar Odell Lovett, to the 
Board of Trustees of the Rice Institute for consideration as the Institute's 
first president. The Trustees of course chose Lovett; he delivered a 
memorable address at the opening entitled "The Meaning of the New 
Institution," and went on to outline his vision for Rice that has since 
guided the university's development. Now, seventy-eight years after that 
original intellectual summit at Rice, another great summit was about to 
commence on the campus. Arrangements had already been made to 
present President Bush with an inscribed set of the Book of the Opening. 
President and Mrs. George Rupp and members of the Rice Board of 
Trustees greeted President and Mrs. Bush as they stepped out of their 
limousine in front of Lovett Hall and symbolically handed over the 
campus. President Bush graciously accepted the offer, shook everyone's 
hand, and proceeded to open the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized 
Nations, the first ever held at a university. 


Beginning at 1 2:46 P. M., and arriving every seven minutes via 
motorcade up the long tree-arched allee from the main entrance at Rice to 
the front of Lovett Hall came the seven heads of delegations in reverse 
protocol order: President Delors, Prime Minister Kaifu, Prime Minister 
Andreotti, Prime Minister Mulroney, Chancellor Kohl, Prime Minister 
Thatcher, and President Mitterrand. President and Mrs. Bush met each of 
them at curbside, escorted them through the Sallyport, and walked with 
them through the cloisters of Lovett Hall toward the plaza before the east 
side of Sewall Hall. There, after posing momentarily for pictures, Chief of 
Protocol Joseph Reed and Ambassador Malek walked the successively 
arriving guests to the Faculty Club. As the Bushes walked back toward 
the Sallyport awaiting the next arrival, other arriving dignitaries rested and 
conversed in the Sewall Art Gallery, where a special exhibition of NASA 
photographs of the earth — loaned for the occasion by the law firm of 
Fulbright & Jaworski and curated by Michael Henderson — suggested the 

common purpose of all the delegates. 

Shortly after all the delegations had arrived, the spouses and 
the ministers of foreign affairs and finance assembled on a reviewing 
stand under a tent canopy in the inner quadrangle. At approximately 2:05 
P. M. President Bush and the heads of delegations began walking from the 
Faculty Club, around the front of Lovett Hall, toward the Sallyport. Just 
before 2:10 the heads of delegations entered the east side of the Sallyport, 
paused momentarily as each looked down at the tape and got into his or 
her preassigned position, then started walking, eight abreast — from left to 
right, Jacques Delors, Giulio Andreotti, Helmut Kohl, Francois 
Mitterrand, George Bush, Margaret Thatcher, Brian Mulroney, and 
Toshiki Kaifu — through the Sallyport into the academic quadrangle. The 
festive blasts of trumpets and the booming of a 2 1 -gun salute announced 
the occasion. The arrival ceremonies had begun. Months earlier this 
ceremony had beeVi planned to be several hours long, but in June President 







Bush, remembering what a July afternoon was like in Houston, drastically 
abbreviated the ritual to only eight minutes. 

The traditional red carpet led from the Sallyport to the air- 
conditioned, roofed reviewing stand, and rumors indicated that Mrs. 
Thatcher had had lead weights sewn into the hem of her dress to keep it 
from billowing as she and the others stood on the stand with cooling air 
blowing up from beneath. The U. S. Marine Band played the stirring 
anthems of the participating nations. The U. S. Fife and Drum Corps of 
the Third Infantry paraded in colonial splendor before the international 
guests, while honor guards from all branches of the U. S. military stood at 
brisk attention. Color guards bearing the flags of the seven nations and the 
European Economic Community were positioned on both sides of the 
reviewing stand. Following the shortened display. President Bush wel- 
comed his guests with very brief remarks. "So let us begin, in good faith," 
he said, squinting into the sun, "to set the stage for the new millennium." 
He referred to the recent remarkable changes in Europe, then urged his 
fellow leaders of the industrial democracies to "work toward decisions 
here in Houston that will bring new stability and prosperity to the world." 

Within minutes of the conclusion of President Bush's re- 
marks, the heads of delegations were walking back toward Lovett Hall, 
where they rested briefly in their respective holding rooms. Then at 3:00 
P. M. the eight heads of delegations assembled in the Founders' Room of 
Lovett Hall for the first plenary meetings. Pool reporters and journalists 
visited the room as the heads of delegations entered and found their seats; 
then the press left and the most private of all the plenary sessions began. 
At the opposite end of the academic quadrangle the ministers of foreign 
affairs were assembling at that very moment in the Elder Periodical Room 
of Fondren Library and the ministers of finance were beginning their 
meeting in the Wright Reference Room of Fondren. The business of the 
1990 Economic Summit had commenced. Not quite two hours later — the 
sessions cut short in deference to those who had arrived only that morning 

after long transatlantic flights — the eight heads of delegations exited the 
Founders' Room, descended the steps, and walked from the Sallyport 
toward the president's reviewing stand, stopping just short of it. There the 
leaders stood at a prearranged location in front of the glorious, sun- 
drenched west facade of Lovett Hall; this was to be the site of one of two 
official "class photos." Ten minutes later the Monday session was over; 
the heads of delegations returned to their holding rooms and, in reverse 
protocol order, departed the Rice campus for their respective hotels. 

Monday evening the various members of the delegations had 
working dinners at several Houston locations. Secretary of State James A. 
Baker hosted a dinner for the foreign ministers at Tony's Restaurant; the 
ministers of finance working dinner took place at the Wortham House, the 
South Boulevard home of the chancellor of the University of Houston 
System, and the sherpas and political directors participated in a working 
dinner in the Massachusetts Room of the Bayou Bend Collection. The 
heads of delegations held their working dinner in the Dining Room of the 
Bayou Bend Collection, arriving in two-minute intervals after 7:00 P. M. 
at the stately, 28-room "Latin Colonial" mansion designed by John F. 
Staub and built in 1 927 for Miss Ima Hogg and her two brothers, Mike 
and Will Hogg. Miss Hogg accumulated one of the nation's premier 
collections of American antiques — furniture, paintings, glassware — and 
now her home and collection are part of the Museum of Fine Arts. 

Arriving via the Lazy Lane entrance, the heads of delegations 
were met in the beautifully landscaped south gardens by President Bush 
(Mrs. Bush was hosting another elegant dinner for the spouses of the 
delegates at the private Buffalo Bayou mansion of old friends Hugh and 
Betty Liedtke). Following a short stroll through part of the fourteen acres 
of grounds, the heads of state lined up at approximately 7:25 P. M. on the 
north lawn of Bayou Bend, with its columned facade as a backdrop, for 
their second "class photo." After posing good-naturedly, with friendly 
comments about Houston's warm weather and hospitality, the eight 


entered Bayou Bend's formal drawing room for drinks, a reloeated Gilbert 
Stuart painting of John Vaughan creating the proper atmosphere. Then the 
guests sat for dinner in the intimate dining room, two French porcelain 
vases depicting Washington and John Adams on a nearby table. The 
menu — tortilla soup with com bread sticks, grilled Gulf of Mexico red 
snapper as the entree, and dessert of blackberry peach swirl ice cream, 
sliced peaches, and cookies — was Texan in flavor served in a colonial 
American setting. After the finish of the working dinner the delegations 
lingered beyond the scheduled time to look in appreciation at the spectacu- 
lar holdings of Bayou Bend, then left in protocol order to return to their 
hotels for a well-deserved rest. 

On Tuesday morning Barbara Bush, four other first ladies 
(Danielle Mitterrand, Mila Mulroney, Livia Andreotti, and Sachiyo 
Kaifu), and fourteen wives of foreign and finance ministers flew to San 
Antonio for a whirlwind five-hour visit to the Alamo, Mission San Jose 

with its famous "Rosa's Window," and the River Walk. Back in Houston 
the motorcades began arriving at Rice at 8: 29 A. M. in protocol order; 
President Bush greeted the heads of delegations as they arrived. Each 
head went briefly to his or her Herring Hall holding room. Staff persons, 
who had arrived not by motorcade but by car, parked in the stadium 
parking lot, then ridden in a shuttle bus to Herring Hall, were already at 
work (indeed, had worked far into the previous night) preparing the 
documents for the day's agenda. Each delegation was provided one fax 
machine, a personal computer with laser printer, and telephones; two 
copiers were available on the third floor of Herring, and lounges at the east 
and west ends of the third floor had two televisions — one of which carried 
the CBS Pool Feed — and daily newspapers and selected weekly periodi- 
cals from around the world. The Baker College Commons served as the 
dining hall for all the staff; it offered "continental dishes with a Southwest- 
em flair" for breakfast, lunch, and dinner, the food being prepared during 


the day under contract by Wyatt's Cafeteria and at night by Rice's own 
food service. 

The foreign and finance ministers, along with the sherpas, 
attended the Tuesday plenary meetings that began at 9:00 A. M. in the 
O'Connor Reading Room of Herring Hall. The plenary session ended 
shortly after noon, then, at 12:30 P. M, the heads of delegations left 
Herring Hall, boarded a shuttle bus for a trip of several hundred feet, 
exited the bus, and — another carefully arranged photo opportunity — 
walked eight abreast, unaccountably out of protocol order, toward the 
Faculty Club where they had a working lunch. The lunch was prepared 
under the direction of caterer Jackson Hicks, but much of the actual cook- 
ing was done by the Faculty Club's assistant manager, John Holbert. Club 
manager Rick Gaido was on hand to supervise the building operations. 
President Bush noticed him, introduced himself and then introduced Mr. 
Gaido to Mrs. Thatcher, and asked Mr. Gaido to tell her about the various 

courses of study offered at Rice. Before Mr. Gaido finished the list, Mrs. 
Thatcher interjected "and architecture." She obviously had been briefed 
that the School of Architecture's building renovation and enlargement had 
been designed by the eminent British architect, James Sterling. Later, 
during the actual luncheon, President Bush had Mr. Gaido summoned. 
"Tell our guests about the size of the Rice endowment," he asked. Mr. 
Gaido provided the figure to the interested guests. Still later, remarking 
that somehow, in the midst of all the preparations, note pads had not been 
provided for the participants in this working lunch, President Bush asked 
Mr. Gaido if he could bring them some sheets of the Faculty Club's 
stationery. Mr. Gaido's unexpected involvement served to personalize 
the summit for him; and many other Rice faculty, staff, and administrators 
had similar individual experiences that, small in their way, will loom 
large in each person's memories of the 1990 Economic Summit of Indus- 
trialized Nations. 


The other participants in the Tuesday plenary session divided 
into their constituent groups for their own working lunches. The finance 
ministers ate at a table set up in the Lovett Lounge, outside the Kyle 
Morrow Room on the third floor of Fondren Library; the foreign ministers, 
dined in the President's House, on campus; and the sherpas participated in 
a working luncheon in a private dining room on the second floor of the 
Faculty Club. Lower ranking staff, as usual, dined in Baker Commons. 
At approximately 2:45 P. M. all twenty-four delegates and eight sherpas 
returned to the O'Connor Reading Room in Herring Hall to continue 
meeting in plenary session. This plenary was originally scheduled to 
adjourn at 4:00, but the press of the issues under discussion kept the 
session underway until 5:30, requiring President Bush to push back the 
formal evening dinner scheduled to begin at the Museum of Fine Arts at 
7:00. Before the afternoon plenary concluded, Secretary of State Baker 
held a press conference at the Brown Center to report on the progress of 

the meetings. 

The Tuesday evening dinner was a festive, gala affair, much 
unlike the working dinners on Monday night. A staff mix-up, perhaps 
caused by the late ending of the afternoon plenary, resulted in President 
Bush's not having his prepared remarks as he rose to toast the guests, so 
he ad-libbed that "There is no work here tonight. No communique, no 
amendments, no language to be corrected. We simply want you to have a 
very good time at this museum that we in Houston are very proud of." 
Those informal, genuine remarks marked the tone of the evening. Mrs. 
Bush and her San Antonio entourage had returned; Vice-President and 
Mrs. Quayle flew in for the occasion; each nation had a dinner delegation 
of around a dozen; and there were twenty Houston and Texas guests 
representing the state, city, and county governments and the leading 
educational institutions of the city. Charles and Anne Duncan and George 
and Nancy Rupp represented Rice. 



The approximately 1 20 diners were seated at a dozen tables, 
attended by five White House butlers brought in for the elegant repast; 
local waiters also attended, but they had undergone a six-hour training 
session on Sunday. The tablecloths were white with raspberry-colored 
overlays, and the tables were set with china supplied by Tiffany's. A full- 
sized portrait of Alexander Hamilton by John Trumbull, loaned by the 
U. S. Treasury Department, hung behind President Bush as he delivered 
his welcome toast. The dinner, prepared by a trio of chefs — Robert Del 
Grande, Dean Fearing, and Robert McGrath — began with chilled yellow 
tomato soup with avocado relish, complemented with miniature butter- 
milk biscuits, and was followed by hickory grilled veal loin medallions 
with morels in pan sauce and served with sweet corn pudding, 7-grain 
rolls and Parker House rolls, salad of Texas lettuce with croutons, walnut 
vinaigrette dressing, and a selection of American cheeses; the dessert was 
a cobbler of Texas Cherokee blackberries and peaches with sweetened 
cream. Among the wines was the medal-winning Llano Estacado 
Chardonnay from Lubbock, Texas. 

At the conclusion of the long dinner during which several 
guests were reported to have been nodding, everyone adjourned to the 
Brown Auditorium, where eighty other invited guests joined the dinner 
guests to enjoy an evening of eclectic entertainment ranging from actress 
Cicely Tyson to bluegrass performer Ricky Skaggs to singer Marilyn 
McCoo to comic juggler Michael Davis. A tired group of delegates 
departed late that evening, but back at Rice, the sherpas and various staff 
persons stayed up most of the night putting the final touches on the sum- 
mit statement, the discussion of which had lengthened the Tuesday after- 
noon plenary. 

By the time the heads of delegations, foreign and finance 
ministers, and sherpas assembled at 9:00 A. M. the next morning, 
Wednesday, July 1 1 . around the handsomely crafted, 40-foot long oval 
table in Herring Hall, the final text of the summit-ending "Houston Sum- 
mit Declaration" had been drafted overnight by the indefatigable delega- 

tion staffs. Only formalities remained, and so little of substance was 
required Wednesday morning that President Mitterrand was able to slip 
away to the architecture school of the University of Houston, which 
bestowed on him an honorary doctorate in humanities for his significant 
achievements in public building in France. It was hoped, too, that he 
would work with exchange students from the university after his retire- 
ment from the presidency. An exhibit entitled "Architectures Capitales de 
Paris" complemented the French president's visit to the University of 

By shortly after 10:00 A. M. the remainder of the delegates . 
were finishing up at Rice and beginning a motorcade parade from Rice, 
through downtown Houston where large crowds lined the streets and 
cheered the passing limousines, to the Brown Convention Center. The 
motorcades arrived ahead of schedule. President Bush and the delegation 
heads proceeded to the Assembly Hall on the third floor of the Brown 
Center. Barbara Bush and a large group of delegation spouses had had a 
series of individualized tours of the Texas Medical Center earlier in the 
morning, but they too had come to the Brown Center. President Bush, 
joined on the stage by the seven other heads of delegations, formally 
presented the summit's final communique, the "Houston Summit Declara- 
tion." Speaking for the assembled delegations. Bush stated that "we are 
enormously heartened by the resurgence of democracy throughout the 
world," then he cautioned that much additional work and compromise 
remained to be done on a variety of issues mutually involving the gathered 
industrial nations and their relationships to the Soviet Union. After in 
effect declaring the completed summit a success, President Bush ad- 
journed the meeting. He and the otHer delegation heads held brief news 
conferences afterwards; the peripatetic Bush was soon off to tour the 
dining area of the Brown Center and to thank the cooks and food servers. 
Then it was back to his Texas home in The Houstonian, a quick change 
into jogging clothes, and a twenty-minute, tension-releasing run through 
nearby Memorial Park. The 1 990 Economic Summit was over. 




From the beginning of planning for the official summit events, 
George Bush and summit organizers had also made plans for a 
giant party to thank the thousands of volunteers and contributors 
who made the event possible. The "Thank You, Houston" party 
was held on the campus of the University of Houston, beginning at 3:00 
P. M. Wednesday afternoon. Visitors found that portion of the campus as 
spruced up as the Rice campus had been for its share of summit events. In 
fact, the University of Houston apparently planted more sod and trees than 
Rice did, because, like Rice, the University of Houston wanted to make a 
favorable impression on its visitors. Even the large fountain that had been 
broken was repaired for the occasion. The whole affair had the festive 
atmosphere of a down-home county fair midway combined with the 
international flair of a world's fair. Tents elaborately decorated with the 
flags and symbols of the various summit nations dispensed that nation's 
traditional foods. Flags festooned the whole area, with live music of every 
imaginable kind filling the air. Strolling mimes and jugglers contributed 
to the celebratory ambience. 

One could feast on European delicacies or Texas barbecue 
cooked over a pit that had a 30-foot-tall replica of an oil well towering 
above it. The afternoon's heat was battled by more than a hundred electric 
fans, while persons attending were given hand fans in the shape of 
Houston's distinctive skyline. Caterer Jackson Hicks, who seemed to be 
everywhere during the summit — he had supervised the food at the Satur- 
day evening Media Fest in the museum district, the Barbara Bush spouses' 
dinner at the Liedtkes, and the formal dinners served on the Rice cam- 
pus — along with others (Ninfa's, Luther's, Bennie Ferrell, Marthann 
Masterson, and the University of Houston College of Hotel and Restaurant 
Management), prepared the food for this final summit bash. All the food 
was donated, and anonymous contributions reimbursed the University of 
Houston for all the expenses it had incurred. 

In the midst of the public carnival of food and entertainment, 
two restricted parties were underway. The Bushes themselves hosted a 

party for about 140 of the top volunteers in the College of Architecture 
Building, freshly painted for the summit, while in nearby Farish Hall 
certain summit volunteers and University of Houston regents hosted a 
cocktail party for several hundred persons and corporate representatives 
who had each donated in excess of $10,000 to the Houston Host Commit- 
tee. At 6:00 P. M. a succession of local musical groups — Die Hofbrau 
Kapelle, the Asian-American Dance Co., The Gypsies, and Mariachi Los 
Galliotos and the Grupo Zapata folklore dancers — began to warm up the 
crowd for the official show. Then at 7:00 the crowd of approximately 
8,000 that was gathered before the giant, 1 20-foot-long stage decorated 
with the Houston skyline, futuristic space scenes, and a stylized version of 
stars and stripes, heard a star-studded musical and comedic performance. 
George Bush personally thanked the people of Houston from the stage: 
"You've shown the world what Houston hospitality is all about," he said 
to an appreciative audience. 


The show, broadcast live on three local television channels, 
provided a rollicking good time, with toe-tapping music by Randy Travis 
and Marilyn McCoo and comedy by Fred Travelena, who pleased the 
crowd with his impressions of George Bush. Native Houston actress Lisa 
Hartman emceed the patriotic show, which ended with the fourteen 
hundred tiny lights on the stage spelling out Houston, then flickering in 
such a computer-controlled way as to appear to be fluttering in the wind 
like a flag. Houston had gone all out to make the 1990 Economic Summit 
a success, and this was a fitting, self-congratulatory way to end three 
spectacular days of diplomacy and pageantry. 

"WE DID IT!" shouted the Houston Post's headline Thurs- 
day morning, an accurate summation of how many Houstonians felt. Now 
it was back to everyday business as workers removed the last vestiges of 
summit equipment from the Brown Center, cleaned up the trash on the 
U.of H. campus from the previous night's party, and began to turn the 
meeting sites at Rice from their temporary use as summit sets back into 
academic rooms. Rice provided a box lunch picnic to all its faculty and 
staff, offered behind-the-scenes tours of the summit sites, and gave its staff 
the rest of the day off as a mark of appreciation for the hard work and 
good cheer everyone had shown during weeks of summit preparations and 
inconvenience. After the summit was all over, people had time to reflect 
on what had occurred, to wonder about the significance of the official 
plenary meetings of the heads of delegations and the impact on Houston of 
being for several days in the world's spotlight. 

The city did get much national and international press cover- 
age, with stories about its economy coming back as the television screens 
depicted the soaring downtown skyline. But condescending, almost 
snickering stories about Houston trying too hard to impress and about the 
gaucheries of the rodeo competed with positive accounts. Every report 
seemed to mention the temperature, although, ironically, it had been 
several degrees hotter in Washington, D. C, than in Houston on Monday, 

when the outdoor opening ceremonies were held. Rice University re- 
ceived wonderful coverage in the local papers and on local television, 
several positive stories in Texas papers, and glittering references in several 
foreign newspapers, but the major national newspapers and news maga- 
zines seldom did more than mention Rice as the actual site of the summit 
meetings. Nevertheless those worldwide television images of the heads of 
delegations walking on the campus electrified Rice alumni and friends and 
filled them with pride. Houston and Rice officials comforted themselves 
with the thought that the seeds of favorable opinions were planted, and 
stories, investments, and contributions would come later. Within months 
these hopes began to appear justified. Perhaps even the Bush Presidential 
Library would be located in Houston, the most obvious and sensible place, 
and associated with Rice. 

People also realized that the official summit was not the only 
summit that had occurred in Houston. Meeting simultaneously in the 
AstroVillage Hotels had been The Other Economic Summit, or TOES, 
where advocates of the poor, the homeless, the environment, and a variety 
of other significant causes met to explore the issues of peace and justice. 
These had been public, not private meetings, and speakers there discussed 
what was often ignored or avoided by the official delegates huddled at 
Rice. The proceedings at Rice were restricted, and all that we can know 
about the substance of the plenaries is what the participants chose to 
reveal in press conferences and in the communique issued at the end, the 
"Houston Summit Declaration." What, after all, had the official summit 
meetings, the focus of all the attention, planning, and expenditures, 
actually decided? 




The three largest, most time-consuming issues discussed at the 1990 
Economic Summit were aid to the Soviet Union to assist President 
Gorbachev, environmental concerns to limit the industrialized 
nations' production of carbon dioxide, which pollutes the atmo- 
sphere, and the controversy over limiting farm subsidies, which the United 
States and Canada strongly believe distort agricultural exports and world 
trade. A series of ambiguously worded compromises permitted various 
sides to claim modest victories, but each of the participating nations was 
allowed, essentially, to pursue its own policies. 

Chancellor Kohl pushed hardest for substantial Western aid 
for the Soviet Union, while President Bush led the opposition. Bush 
argued that with Soviet missiles still aimed at U. S. targets and with the 
Russians still giving Cuba $5 billion in aid annually, it was difficult to 
defend Western monetary assistance. Kohl and Bush in a private meeting 
Monday morning and in intense plenary discussions accepted a compro- 
mise; Germany and other nations could unilaterally give assistance to the 
Soviet Union and to the new governments in Eastern Europe, and the 
summit nations acting jointly authorized a task force coordinated by the 
International Monetary Fund, assisted by four other international lending 
and development institutions, to study Soviet economic needs and to issue 
a nonbinding report by the end of the year. So Germany can send money 
to Russia, the United States will not, and they all agreed to study the 
matter further. Japan's unilateral aid to the People's Republic of China 
occasioned little dispute. 

The United States was decidedly in the minority as it opposed 
Europe-led proposals to establish a definite timetable for limiting global 
emissions of carbon dioxide. The Bush administration — led on this issue 
by John Sununu — argued that the scientific evidence is inconclusive on 
the degree to which human-initiated carbon dioxide contributes to envi- 
ronmental problems. The Bush opposition succeeded in getting the 
European nations to refrain from insisting on setting up a schedule for 

reducing carbon dioxide emissions in return for a proposal that the World 
Bank initiate a year-long study of ways to protect and preserve Brazil's 
Amazonian rain forest. At the end of the study, the World Bank research- 
ers and Brazilian authorities will bring a specific plan to be studied and 
ratified at the 1991 Economic Summit. Environmentalists were dismayed 
by this actual decision, though they could perhaps take some heart from 
the wording of the Houston communique that seemed an oblique refuta- 
tion of Governor Sununu's position. The first paragraph of the section on 
the environment stated that "We agree that, in the face of threats of irre- 
versible environmental damage, lack of full scientific certainty is no 
excuse to postpone actions which are justified in their own right." 

On no issue did President Bush negotiate harder than on the 
agricultural subsidies that play havoc with U. S. farm exports. While all 
nations have subsidies of one sort or another, those of the United States 
and Canada are insignificant compared to those of Europe and Japan. 
Germany and Japan in particular have very inefficient agricultural econo- 
mies, but they argue that for social and environmental reasons their system 
of small farms must be propped up artificially by governmental export 
subsidies and import restrictions. Despite an intensity of U. S. effort that 
frankly surprised some European diplomats, no specific final decision was 
made. The final communique pledged commitment to the goal of the 
"reform of agricultural policies," "to improve market access," and "to 
permit the greater liberalization of trade in agricultural products." But 
actual progress on these matters was left to ongoing negotiation within the 
procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Uru- 
guay Round of discussions on trade restrictions that began four years ago. 

More important than any decisions made or not made was the 
strong consensus on the positive march of democratic ideals in the past 
year. Every participant in the Houston meetings was aware of the historic 
transformation that had recently taken place in Eastern Europe, events that 
gave this first post-Cold War summit a special significance. There was an 



implicit sense that time and history are on our side and a corresponding 
recognition of the necessity of getting along even if that meant agreeing at 
times to disagree. As the Italian foreign minister, Gianni De Michelis, put 
it. "With the West so near to final victory with respect to our struggles 
over the last 40 years, it would be a criminal form of stupidity to enhance 
West- West tensions now." It was also clear at the summit that the United 
States and Russia no longer control the world; just as clear was the emer- 
gence of the strong economies of Germany and Japan, which the person- 
alities of Kohl and Kaifu in different ways complemented. Margaret 
Thatcher commented at one point that "there are three regional groups at 
this summit, one based on the dollar, one based on the yen, one on the 
Deutsche mark." Western diplomacy would increasingly have to take 
notice of that emerging balance of power. 

The democratic industrialized powers were determined 
together to face with hope the coming decade and the imminent arrival of 
a new century. With that sentiment the eighty-fourth and final paragraph 
of the final communique read: "We have accepted the invitation of Prime 
Minister Thatcher to meet next July in London." Thus the modem institu- 
tion of international summitry will continue as a way to mediate and 
promote the issues of economic development and democratic progress. 
The city of Houston and Rice University cherish the opportunity of having 
been asked to host the 1990 Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations. 
For everyone closely involved, it was an exhilarating moment in the 
history of both the city and the university. 



Summit Participants 

Heads of Delegations: 

President George Bush 
President Frangois Mitterrand 
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher 
Chancellor Helmut Kohl 
Prime Minister Brian Mulroney 
Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti 
Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu 
President Jacques Delors 

Finance Ministers: 

Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady 

Minister of Economy, Finance and Budget Pierre Beregovoy 

Chancellor of the Exchequer John Major 

Minister of Finance Theodor Waigel and Minister of Economic Affairs 

Helmut Haussmann 
Minister of Finance Michael Wilson 
Minister of the Treasury Guido Carli 
Minister of Finance Ryutaro Hashimoto and Minister of International 

Trade and Industry Kabun Muto 
Vice President for Economic and Financial Affairs Henning 


Foreign Ministers: 

Secretary of State James A. Baker, III 

Minister of Foreign Affairs Roland Dumas 

Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs 

Douglas Hurd 
Minister for Foreign Affairs Hans-Dietrich Genscher 
Secretary of State for External Affairs Joe Clark 
Minister of Foreign Affairs Gianni De Michelis 
Minister for Foreign Affairs Taro Nakayama 
Vice President for External Relations Frans Andriessen 


Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs Richard T. McCormack 

Special Counselor to the President Jacques Attali 

Second Permanent Secretary to HM Treasury Nigel Wicks, 

State Secretary, Federal Ministry of Finance Horst Kohler 
Ambassador of Canada to the United States Derek Bumey 
Diplomatic Counselor to the Prime Minister Umberto Vattani 
Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs Koji Watanabe 
Chief of Staff to the President of the Commission of the European 

Community Pascal Lamy 


ought you might enj> 

meeting. At the :